Azerbaijan-Iran: A Complex Relationship Of Hatred And Enmity

Tensions between Azerbaijan and Iran have been high for decades, with roots in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Azerbaijan has accused Iran of supporting Armenia in the decades-long conflict over the breakaway region. Iran, meanwhile, has accused Azerbaijan of inciting separatist sentiment inside its northwestern border. In addition, Azerbaijan's growing relationship with Israel has irked Iran, with Tehran warning Baku against warming up to Tel Aviv. The two countries also have differing political alignments, with Azerbaijan increasingly pro-Western aligned, and Iran largely pro-Russian and pro-Chinese.

Azerbaijan's pro-Israel stance

Azerbaijan's relationship with Israel is a key source of tension with Iran. Azerbaijan has strengthened its ties with Israel since 2011, and in 2022, it announced the opening of an embassy in Israel, marking 30 years of diplomatic relations. Israel was one of the first states to recognise Azerbaijan's independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, and formal relations were established in 1992.

Azerbaijan and Israel's relationship is based on an "unholy trinity of oil, arms, and intelligence". Israel is a significant exporter of arms to Azerbaijan, and Israeli weaponry played a significant role in Azerbaijan's victory in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. Israel has been a major provider of battlefield aviation, artillery, anti-tank, and anti-infantry weaponry to Azerbaijan. In 2012, the two countries signed an agreement for Israel to sell $1.6 billion worth of drones and anti-aircraft and missile defence systems to Azerbaijan. In 2023, they signed another deal for Israel to supply two satellites and the "Barak MX" missile interception system for a total of $1.42 billion. Israel is also a major buyer of Azerbaijani oil, with Azerbaijan supplying 40% of Israel's oil and 65% of its crude oil in 2021.

Azerbaijan also reportedly gives Israel access to its land and sea borders with Iran. Israel is suspected of using Azerbaijan as a base for operations against Iran, including the 2018 theft of sensitive nuclear files. This perception of Azerbaijan as a base for Israeli operations against Iran is a significant source of tension with Iran.

The growing partnership between Azerbaijan and Israel, along with the normalisation of relations between Israel and other countries in the region, such as the UAE and Bahrain, has contributed to a perception of encirclement by Iran. This has led to increased tensions and rivalry between the two countries, with Iran viewing the growing Israeli presence on its doorstep as a pressing security matter.

The close relationship between Azerbaijan and Israel is further highlighted by the presence of a Jewish community in Azerbaijan, known as Krasnaya Sloboda, which is the last remaining Jewish community in the Caucasus. A large community of European Jews has also been living in Azerbaijan, mostly in Baku, since the late 19th century.

Iran's support for Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict

Iran shares borders with both Armenia and Azerbaijan and has communities with origins in both countries. Iran's official stance has been to call for mediation, an immediate ceasefire, and dialogue between the two parties. Iran also recognises several United Nations resolutions that stipulate Nagorno-Karabakh, controlled by ethnic Armenians backed by Armenia, is part of Azerbaijan, and that occupied Azeri lands must be returned. This position aligns with Iran's interest in maintaining regional stability and preventing the conflict from escalating.

However, Iran's relations with Armenia and Azerbaijan are complex and influenced by historical and ethnic factors. Parts of modern-day Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey were once part of the Persian Empire, leaving communities spread on either side of the modern boundaries. As a result, many ethnic Azeris in Iran feel a close kinship with Azerbaijan, while Iran is also home to Armenian communities who feel strongly about the conflict. This dynamic creates internal pressures within Iran, influencing its approach to the conflict.

Iran has historically pursued a delicate balancing act between the two countries. During the First Nagorno-Karabakh War in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Iran de facto supported Armenia, primarily through economic cooperation. With Armenia facing a blockade, Iran became its main provider of electricity and goods, and Iranian trucks supplied most of the enclave's needs. However, Iran also officially recognised Azerbaijan's territorial integrity and provided some humanitarian aid to Azerbaijani refugees. This dual approach reflected Iran's attempt to balance its relations with both countries while considering the interests of its own ethnic communities.

In the more recent Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020, allegations again surfaced that Iran was supporting Armenia. Videos circulated on social media appeared to show military equipment being transferred to Armenia via trucks passing through an Iranian border pass. Iran denied these allegations, stating that the trucks were Russian vehicles purchased by Armenia before the conflict and were carrying vehicle parts. Additionally, Iran has expressed concern about the conflict spilling over into its territory, with several rockets and shells from the fighting landing on Iranian soil and injuring civilians.

The geopolitical context of the conflict further complicates Iran's position. The involvement of countries like Israel, Turkey, and Russia, who have close ties with either Azerbaijan or Armenia, adds another layer of complexity. Iran's relations with these countries, particularly Israel, are strained, and it views their presence in the region as a security concern. As a result, Iran walks a fine line between supporting Azerbaijan's territorial integrity and avoiding direct confrontation with these regional powers.

In conclusion, Iran's support for Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been nuanced and influenced by various factors. While officially recognising Azerbaijan's territorial integrity, Iran has also had ties with Armenia and has been accused of providing tacit support. This dynamic reflects the complex geopolitical, historical, and ethnic considerations that shape Iran's approach to the conflict.

Azerbaijan's growing ties with Israel

Azerbaijan has been strengthening its ties with Israel since 2011. In 2022, it announced that it would be opening an embassy in Israel, marking the 30th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the two states. In March 2023, Azerbaijan opened its embassy in Israel. In February 2024, amid the ongoing Israel–Hamas war, Azerbaijani President Aliyev met with Israeli President Herzog, reaffirming bilateral relations between the two countries.

Azerbaijan and Israel have had diplomatic relations since 1992, following Azerbaijan's independence from the Soviet Union. In 2009, Israeli President Shimon Peres visited Azerbaijan, and military relations were expanded further. In 2010, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev issued a decree banning the issuing of visas in the country's international airports; only citizens of Israel and Turkey were exempt from this new law. In 2016, Israel's Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman supported Azerbaijan in the 2016 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, calling Armenia's actions "provocative".

In 2017, several regional tours were made by the Israeli envoy to Azerbaijan to deepen economic cooperation in the spheres of the economy, agriculture, and tourism. In April 2017, Azerbaijan and Israel abolished double taxation between the two countries. During his speech at the 72nd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2017, Netanyahu mentioned the expansion of cooperation between the two countries.

In January 2019, the State Border Service of Azerbaijan purchased SkyStriker kamikazes from Israel's Elbit Systems, becoming the first foreign buyer of SkyStrikers. During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war with Armenia, Azerbaijan deployed Israeli-made weapons on Armenian targets.

Azerbaijan and Israel cooperate closely in the field of energy. Israel buys 40% of its oil from Azerbaijan, making it Israel's largest oil supplier. In December 2016, during his visit to Azerbaijan, the Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, said: "Today we are negotiating not only for the supply of Azerbaijani oil, but also imports of Azerbaijani gas to Israel". In 2021, it was estimated that Israel imported 65% of its oil from Azerbaijan.

In February 2024, Azerbaijani President Aliyev met with Israeli President Herzog, reaffirming bilateral relations between Israel and Azerbaijan amid the ongoing Israel–Hamas war. Azerbaijan is a major oil supplier to Israel and has resisted pressure to cut ties with Israel over the Gaza war.

Iran's anti-Azerbaijani media broadcasts

Iran and Azerbaijan have a long history of complex and often fraught relations. While the two countries share cultural, religious, and historical ties, there are also deep-rooted tensions and suspicions between them. One significant source of tension has been the issue of territorial integrity and border disputes. Both countries have questioned and threatened the other's territorial integrity, with Azerbaijan alluding to irredentist claims on Iranian territory and Iran expressing concerns about secessionism within its own borders. This dynamic has played out in the media, with each country broadcasting rhetoric and propaganda that reflects and fuels these tensions.

Beyond Sahar TV, other Iranian media outlets have contributed to the anti-Azerbaijani sentiment. In 2006, an Iranian newspaper published a cartoon that compared Azerbaijanis to cockroaches, sparking protests in both Azerbaijan and Iran. Additionally, Iranian state media has been accused of broadcasting anti-Azerbaijani propaganda aimed at destabilizing the southern regions of the country, which have a significant ethnic Azerbaijani population.

These media broadcasts reflect and shape the complex dynamics between Iran and Azerbaijan, contributing to the tensions and suspicions that exist between these two countries with intertwined histories.

Azerbaijan's intelligentsia cementing the divide

Azerbaijan's intelligentsia has played a significant role in shaping the country's history, particularly during the National Liberation Movement from 1988 to 1991. This movement was driven by intellectuals, historians, orientalists, and writers who laid the intellectual and ideological foundations for Azerbaijan's independence.

During the Soviet era, the intelligentsia was divided into two main factions: dissidents and the mainstream intelligentsia. The dissidents, a minority group, had experience resisting political and ideological repression, while the mainstream intelligentsia initially refrained from openly criticising the Soviet regime. However, a turning point came under Nikita Khrushchev, when the intelligentsia began to embrace nationalism, and the 1960s saw a period of ideological relaxation. This period witnessed the emergence of national issues that countered Moscow's tolerance for ethnic particularism, driven by intellectuals such as Abbas Zamanov and Rasul Rza.

The intelligentsia's role became more pronounced under Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of perestroika and glasnost, which encouraged open criticism of the Soviet system. This new intelligentsia played a crucial part in the Karabakh events, criticising the Soviet press, Armenian separatists, and the mainstream Soviet intelligentsia. Their activities included demonstrations, samizdat (secretive publishing), and the formation of various organisations and political parties.

The intelligentsia's influence extended beyond the National Liberation Movement. They advocated for the protection of the Azerbaijani language, which they viewed as a vital symbol of the country's spiritual wealth and state independence. In April 2022, over 200 representatives of the intelligentsia appealed to the speaker of the Milli Majlis, Saziba Gafarova, regarding the disrespect for the Azerbaijani language in trade and service objects and street advertising. They emphasised that the linguistic landscape observed in Baku constituted cultural and linguistic expansion, aiming to weaken the identification of the people with their state.

The intelligentsia's cementing of the divide between Iran and Azerbaijan can be seen in their promotion of nationalism and the protection of their cultural identity, which runs counter to Iran's interests in the region.

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