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Following the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand on 28 June 1914, Austria-Hungary's declaration of war on Serbia sparked a crisis in Europe that led to the First World War. The two demands made by Austria-Hungary on Serbia were that Serbia disband anti-Austro-Hungarian societies and relieve certain officials of their duties. These demands were designed to be harsh enough that their rejection was probable, providing a juridical basis for a declaration of war.
| Characteristics | Values |
|---|---|
| Date | 30 June |
| Who | Berchtold |
| What | That Serbia disband anti-Austro-Hungarian societies and relieve certain officials of their responsibilities |
| How | Conrad argued for the use of force |
| Who disagreed | Tisza, Prime Minister of Hungary |
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What You'll Learn
Austria-Hungary's declaration of war on Serbia
The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, and his wife on 28 June 1914, was the catalyst for a series of events that led to the First World War. The assassin was Serbian-backed, and this led to a crisis in which Europe's leaders made decisions that escalated a localised conflict in southeast Europe into a global war.
Austria-Hungary, with encouragement from its ally Germany, decided to punish Serbia and quell support for Serbian nationalism. On 23 July, Austria-Hungary delivered an ultimatum to Serbia, making two demands: that Serbia disband anti-Austro-Hungarian societies and that certain officials be relieved of their responsibilities. These demands were harsh, and the intention was to make them harsh enough that Serbia would refuse and provide a juridical basis for a declaration of war.
Serbia failed to meet the terms of the ultimatum, and on 28 July, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia. This act of war stirred up old tensions and anxieties across the continent, drawing in supporters and allies on both sides. Russia came to the defence of Serbia, a fellow Slavic nation, which led to Germany declaring war on Russia in support of its ally. This, in turn, brought France into the war on Russia's side.
The war between Austria-Hungary and Serbia was not just a localised conflict but part of a wider global struggle. Germany's violation of Belgian neutrality and British fears of German domination in Europe brought Britain and its empire into the war. These actions reflected the fears, anxieties, and ambitions of the European powers, shaped by growing nationalism, increased militarism, imperial rivalry, and competition for power and influence.
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Serbian-backed assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand
The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Hungary and his wife, Sophie, the Duchess of Hohenberg, by a Serbian nationalist in 1914 set off a chain of events that led to World War I. Gavrilo Princip, a Serbian nationalist and member of the Young Bosnians, a secret revolutionary group, shot the Archduke and his wife during their visit to Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. This assassination was the culmination of a plot by Serbian and Bosnian revolutionaries, who opposed the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary and harboured nationalist sentiments.
In the years leading up to the assassination, Austria-Hungary had expanded its influence in the Balkans, annexing territories such as Bosnia-Herzegovina, which had a significant Serb population and was coveted by Serbia. This expansionist policy, driven by a desire to create a multi-ethnic, religiously diverse empire, brought Austria-Hungary into conflict with Serbia, which also sought to expand its influence in the region.
The Young Bosnians, including Princip, conspired to assassinate the Archduke, seeing him as a symbol of oppression. They received support from the Black Hand, a Serbian terrorist group with ties to the Serbian army. On 28 June 1914, Princip and his accomplices carried out their plan. As the Archduke's motorcade passed by, one of the assassins, Nedeljko Čabrinović, threw a bomb, but it failed to kill the Archduke. Undeterred, the Archduke continued with his planned events, including a visit to the city hall.
As the motorcade sped down Appel Quay to avoid potential bomb throwers, it mistakenly turned onto a side street where Princip was standing. Seizing the opportunity, Princip fired two shots at point-blank range, fatally wounding the Archduke and his wife. The assassination had immediate repercussions, with Austria-Hungary declaring war on Serbia on 28 July, a month after the assassination. This declaration of war set off a series of events, including Russia's mobilisation and the formation of alliances, that ultimately led to the outbreak of World War I, engulfing Europe in chaos.
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Germany's encouragement of Austria-Hungary's declaration of war
Germany encouraged Austria-Hungary's declaration of war on Serbia for several reasons. Firstly, Germany wanted to maintain its alliance with Austria-Hungary and believed that supporting its military actions would help restore its ally's prestige in the Balkans. Germany also saw an opportunity to expand its influence in the region by blocking Serbian ambitions to dominate a new South Slav federation. The Germans anticipated that their support would mean the war would be a localized affair between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, and they wanted to give the impression that they were unaware of Austria-Hungary's intentions.
On July 28, 1914, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia, and Germany played a significant role in encouraging this decision. The German military supported the idea of an Austro-Hungarian attack on Serbia as a way to initiate a broader general war. Germany shared Austria-Hungary's interest in countering Russian expansion in the Balkans and preventing Serbia from dominating a South Slav federation.
In the lead-up to the war declaration, there were debates within Austria-Hungary about the appropriate response to the events in Sarajevo. Count Gyula Andrássy, the Hungarian Foreign Minister from 1871 to 1879, advocated for German-Austrian alliance against Russian expansion in the region. Berchtold, on the other hand, initially wanted to ensure public opinion was prepared for war and suggested demanding that Serbia disband anti-Austro-Hungarian societies and remove certain officials. However, Conrad argued for immediate mobilization and war.
The Council of Joint Ministers debated Austria-Hungary's course of action, and Tisza, the Prime Minister of Hungary, persuaded them to place harsh demands on Serbia before mobilization to provide a ""juridical basis for a declaration of war." Despite Tisza's efforts, Austria-Hungary was slow to act publicly, and by the time they delivered the ultimatum on July 23, they had lost the sympathies of other European powers, who now saw the assassinations as a pretext for aggression.
Germany actively pushed for Austria-Hungary to hurry with its declaration of war on Serbia. On July 28, the same day as the declaration, Jagow, the German ambassador, sent a message to Vienna encouraging the Austro-Hungarians to expedite their declaration of war. This encouragement was part of Germany's strategy to increase its power and influence in the region, anticipating that the conflict would be localized and that other European powers would be sympathetic to Austria-Hungary's actions.
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Russia's support of Serbia
Russia and Serbia's bilateral relations date back to 1816, when they established official diplomatic relations as the Russian Empire and the Principality of Serbia. Both countries are Slavic and Eastern Orthodox Christian, sharing a notable cultural heritage.
Serbia's desire to develop a Slavic state put it in direct conflict with Austria-Hungary, which took steps to hinder Serbia's ambitions, such as granting autonomy to Albania. Serbia positioned itself as the champion of the Pan-Slavic ideal, which emphasised Russia's responsibility to all Slavs, particularly those threatened by Austria-Hungary. This shift in focus redirected Russia's attention from the Ottoman Empire to the perceived threat posed by Austria-Hungary against Slavic peoples.
Russia's support for Serbia can be traced back to the Serbian Revolution of 1804, which evolved into a war for independence from the Ottoman Empire by 1807. Russia, citing "fraternal allegiance" under Pan-Slavism, also declared war on the Ottoman Empire, beginning the Russo-Turkish War (1807-1808). This war provided independence or autonomy for the Christian nations within the Empire's Balkan territories.
In the lead-up to World War I, Russia and Serbia maintained close bilateral ties, despite having no formal alliance. Russia openly sought political and religious influence in Serbia, seeing it as a pathway into the weakening Ottoman Empire. When Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia on July 28, 1914, Russia interpreted it as an attempt to diminish its influence in the Balkans and issued an ultimatum to Vienna, warning against attacking Serbia. As the conflict escalated, Russia began mobilising its reserve army along the border with Austria-Hungary. On July 30, Russia announced a general mobilisation in support of Serbia, and on August 1, 1914, Germany declared war on Russia.
During the Kosovo War in 1998, Russia strongly condemned NATO's military action against sovereign Yugoslavia, describing it as "open aggression". Volunteers and mercenaries from Russia travelled to Kosovo in large numbers to resist and complicate NATO operations. This period saw the development of Russia-friendly rhetoric in Serbian politics, with proposals for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to join the Union State of Belarus and Russia.
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Russia's mobilisation orders
On 28 July, Russia ordered partial mobilisation in response to Austria-Hungary's declaration of war on Serbia. Russia's mobilisation was a threat to Austria-Hungary, to support its ally Serbia. Russia's mobilisation was also a response to Austria-Hungary's intimidating actions towards Serbia. Austria-Hungary wanted to prevent Serbia from accessing the sea and also intended to invade Serbia. This would mean Russia would have to come to Serbia's aid, and so Russia's mobilisation was a pre-emptive measure.
Russia's partial mobilisation was also a strategic move, as Russia faced issues in fielding an army. A partial mobilisation was a rational action, as Russia knew that Germany had won several wars in the 1860s and 1870s through superior mobilisation. Russia's mobilisation was also a response to Germany's support of Austria-Hungary. Germany had promised to back up Austria-Hungary in a war, and so Russia's mobilisation was a show of strength and a warning to Germany.
Russia's mobilisation was a significant factor in the escalation of tensions that led to World War I. The mobilisation heightened the crisis and made a diplomatic solution less likely. Russia's mobilisation also put pressure on Germany and Austria-Hungary to mobilise their own forces, which further increased tensions and made the possibility of war more likely. Russia's mobilisation orders were a serious development that contributed to the outbreak of World War I.
Russia's mobilisation was not without internal conflict. On 21 July, before Russia's mobilisation, the Russian Foreign Minister warned Germany that Russia would not tolerate Austria-Hungary's threatening behaviour towards Serbia. However, the leaders in Berlin discounted this threat. They believed that Russia was expressing greater verbal support for Serbia than they would actually provide in practice.
On 23 November 1912, Tsar Nicholas II ordered the mobilisation of three Russian army districts – Kiev, Warsaw, and Odessa. This order was given in response to the Austro-Hungarian mobilisation. However, the Council of Ministers in St. Petersburg was furious that Nicholas II had bypassed them in ordering mobilisation, and they demanded that he cancel the orders. This incident highlights the internal divisions within Russia's government and the complex decision-making process surrounding mobilisation.
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