Angola's Democratic Status: Examining The Reality

Angola, officially the Republic of Angola, is a multiparty democracy with an executive presidency. The country gained independence from Portugal in 1975 and has since been marked by increasing inequalities, with the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer. While the country has vast mineral and petroleum reserves and is among the fastest-growing economies in the world, most Angolans have a low standard of living. Since gaining independence, Angola has been ruled by the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which has been criticised for corruption and suppressing freedom of expression and demonstration.

Angola's democratic values are under threat

Firstly, the country's democratic institutions are weak and lack separation of powers. The 2010 constitution eliminated the direct election of the president and instead made the presidential post dependent on the outcome of legislative elections. This has led to an excessive concentration of power in the presidency, with the president controlling all other organs of the state.

Secondly, the ruling party, the MPLA, has consolidated its hegemonic rule and moulded the security, financial, and judicial apparatus to serve its interests and those of the military and business elites. The MPLA was the only legal political party in Angola until 1992, and it continues to dominate the political landscape, often at the expense of democratic principles.

Thirdly, the country's vast economic resources, particularly oil and diamonds, have been exploited by the political and economic elite, leading to increasing inequalities and a lack of economic diversification. This has resulted in a situation where the rich get richer while the poor get poorer, and democratic values such as transparency, accountability, and the rule of law are undermined.

Finally, the country's judicial system is controlled by the political powers, and the state media, which comprises the only radio and TV broadcasters with national coverage, is used as a tool for partisan interests rather than as a vehicle for freedom of expression.

The absence of strong democratic institutions, a free and independent media, and a fair and transparent electoral process puts Angola's democratic values at risk. There is a growing sense of despair among the country's youth and middle class, who are bearing the brunt of the country's political and economic problems. Unless steps are taken to address these issues, Angola's democratic values will remain under threat.

The country's political opposition is ineffective

Angola is a multiparty democracy with a long history of political conflict. The country's political opposition is currently led by the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), which was founded in 1966 and fought in the Angolan War for Independence (1961-1975) and the subsequent civil war (1975-2002).

UNITA has been ineffective in challenging the ruling party, the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which has held power since the country's independence from Portugal in 1975. Here are some reasons why the country's political opposition has been ineffective:

• UNITA has faced internal divisions and a lack of access to executive power and state resources, limiting its ability to mount an effective challenge to the MPLA.
• The MPLA has effectively utilised its control over state media and state funds to influence election outcomes in its favour.
• The MPLA has been accused of manipulating the composition of courts and the electoral commission, as well as implementing administrative obstacles to hinder the registration and legalisation of new political parties.
• UNITA has struggled to unite various opposition parties and forces under its banner, despite forming the United Patriotic Front, an ad hoc electoral coalition, ahead of the 2022 elections.
• The MPLA has a strong presence in institutions and politics due to its historical role in the anti-colonial liberation struggle, making it difficult for UNITA to gain widespread support.
• UNITA has faced challenges in effectively mobilising its support base, particularly in urban areas, due to the MPLA's dominance in state media and control over key economic sectors.
• The MPLA has been accused of using violence and intimidation tactics against opposition members and journalists, creating a climate of fear and deterring political opposition.
• UNITA has been ineffective in addressing the economic and social concerns of the population, with the MPLA maintaining its support base through patronage and control over the distribution of the country's vast oil wealth.
• The MPLA has successfully branded itself as the party of stability and peace, in contrast to UNITA, which is still associated with the civil war by many Angolans.
• The MPLA has utilised its control over the judiciary to dismiss formal complaints and legal challenges filed by UNITA and other opposition parties, further eroding trust in democratic institutions.

The ruling MPLA's grip on power

The People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) has ruled the country since its independence from Portugal in 1975. The MPLA fought against the Portuguese Army in the Angolan War of Independence from 1961 to 1974, and defeated the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) and the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) in the Angolan Civil War.

The MPLA's core support base includes the Ambundu ethnic group and the educated intelligentsia of the capital city, Luanda. The party's armed wing, the People's Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA), later became the national armed forces of the country.

In the early 1970s, the MPLA's guerrilla activities were reduced due to the counter-insurgency campaigns of the Portuguese military. At the same time, internal conflicts caused the movement to temporarily split into three factions: the Ala Presidencialista (Presidentialist Wing), Revolta Activa (Active Revolt), and Revolta do Leste (Eastern Revolt). However, by 1974/75, the movement had reunited, although the infighting left profound scars.

In 1974, the Carnation Revolution in Lisbon, Portugal, established a military government that agreed to transfer power to a coalition of three pro-independence Angolan movements. However, the coalition quickly broke down, and the newly independent Angola descended into civil war. Maintaining control over Luanda and the lucrative oil fields of the Atlantic coastline, Agostinho Neto, the leader of the MPLA, declared the independence of the Portuguese Overseas Province of Angola as the People's Republic of Angola on November 11, 1975.

UNITA and FNLA together declared Angolan independence in Huambo, reigniting civil war between UNITA and FNLA on one side, and the MPLA on the other. The MPLA ultimately gained the upper hand, with Neto becoming the first president upon independence.

In the 1992 election, the MPLA won 53.74% of the votes and 129 out of 227 seats in parliament. However, eight opposition parties rejected the election as rigged. The civil war continued until 2002, when UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi was killed, and a ceasefire was agreed upon.

The MPLA has been accused of human rights violations, including arbitrary arrest and detention, and torture, by international organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. The party has also been accused of "genocidal atrocities," "systematic extermination," "war crimes," and "crimes against humanity" during the civil war.

In the 2012 legislative election, the MPLA won 71.84% of the vote and 175 out of 220 parliamentary seats. In the 2017 election, the MPLA's grip on power appeared to be weakening, with its long-time leader, José Eduardo dos Santos, stepping down as president. His hand-picked successor, João Lourenço, lacked the same standing within the party and did not inspire the same fear among opponents. Additionally, the low price of oil turned Angola's economic boom into a bust, with GDP shrinking by nearly 4% in 2016, and unemployment hovering above 20%.

However, the MPLA won the 2017 election, and Lourenço became president. Despite this victory, the MPLA's dominance may be waning, especially among younger voters, who tend to be more cynical about the party. The party's reputation has been damaged by widespread corruption, with the government unable to account for billions of dollars in public funds.

In the 2022 election, the MPLA won 124 parliamentary seats and about 51% of the vote, its worst showing at the polls in 30 years. However, the party remains in power, with Lourenço serving as president.

Angola's commercialisation vs. democratisation

Angola, officially the Republic of Angola, is a multiparty democracy with an executive presidency. The country gained independence from Portugal in 1975 and has since been marked by increasing inequalities, with the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer.

The country's current constitution, promulgated in 2010, eliminated the direct election of the president and instead provided for the presidential post to be filled by the leader of the party with the largest share of the vote in legislative elections. The president is limited to two five-year terms.

Since the end of the civil war in 2002, Angola has emerged as a relatively stable constitutional republic with one of the fastest-growing economies in the world. However, economic growth is highly uneven, with most of the nation's wealth concentrated in a disproportionately small part of the population.

The peace agreement signed in 2002 has been criticised for failing to promote democratic values or engage citizens in public affairs. Instead, Angola is undergoing a process of commercialisation as a substitute for democratisation. The country has been described as a "state without citizens", with political power highly centralised and consolidated through the control of resource flows by three institutions: the Presidency, the National Bank, and the national oil company, SONANGOL.

The reality of commercialisation benefits those who hold power and wealth, allowing them to profit from the privatisation of state assets. For outsiders, it creates opportunities to promote their economic interests, cut deals, and explore new market opportunities.

However, for the majority of Angolans, the situation has led to a growing sense of despair, especially among the youth and middle class. The country's institutions, including the judiciary and the media, are controlled by partisan interests, and the ruling party has consolidated its power through a patronage system that co-opts opposition parties.

The lack of democratic progress in Angola has been attributed to the absence of a transitional mechanism to mitigate abuses of power and the risk of a showdown between the government and the people due to a lack of alternative institutions. International pressure has also been criticised for prioritising transparency and investment climate over poverty alleviation and democratisation.

To move towards democracy, Angola needs to establish functioning institutions for the formal democratic participation of citizens and find a more balanced approach to foreign investment that prioritises the rule of law, transparency, and fair competition.

The role of foreign interests in Angola's democracy

Angola's foreign relations are based on its strong support of US foreign policy, as the Angolan economy is heavily reliant on US foreign aid. Since 1998, Angola has worked with the UN Security Council to impose and carry out sanctions on UNITA, and more recently, controls on conflict diamonds.

Angola has also been working to improve its relationships with Western countries and cultivate links with other Portuguese-speaking countries. It has entered the Southern African Development Community (SADC) as a vehicle for improving ties with its Anglophone neighbours to the south.

Angola is a member of the Port Management Association of Eastern and Southern Africa (PMAESA) and the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP). It has an embassy in Washington, DC, and consulates-general in Houston and New York City.

Since the end of the civil war in 2002, the EU has sought to establish closer relations with Angola, and regular EU development assistance quickly resumed. In the first few years after the civil war, the EU institutions made some attempts to promote democratic government. The EU made support for governance reforms a key priority in its support of Angola's peace and reconciliation process.

China has also been an important partner for Angola. Since the turn of the century, China-Angola relations have rapidly become more intense. In 2003, the EXIM Bank of China began negotiating a loan contract with the Angolan government, and in March 2004, a $2 billion loan was signed. In 2010, President dos Santos mentioned the strategic partnership with China in his 'state of the nation' speech.

Angola is a founding member of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP) and was elected as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in 2014.

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