Bolivia's Unstable Political History: Governments Rise And Fall

Bolivia, officially known as the Plurinational State of Bolivia, has had a tumultuous political history since gaining independence from Spain in 1809. Between 1825 and 1880, Bolivia experienced a series of coups and countercoups, with power struggles between indigenous workers and the wealthy descendants of European colonialists. The country's first democratic elections took place in 1982, after a period of military rule. Since then, Bolivia has continued to face political instability, with frequent changes in government.

Bolivia's first president

Bolivia has had a tumultuous political history since its independence in 1825, with nearly 200 coups and countercoups. The country's first president, Simón Bolívar, was elected by the General Assembly of Deputies of the Province of Upper Peru. Bolívar played a crucial role in Latin America's struggle for independence from Spain, alongside José de San Martín. On 6 August 1825, the Republic of Bolivia declared its independence and proclaimed Bolívar as its head of state. However, there is some debate among scholars as to whether Bolívar should be considered the first president.

According to Bolivian historian Isaac Sandoval, the first president was Antonio José de Sucre, who took office after Bolívar renounced the title in his favour on 29 December 1825. Sucre, a Venezuelan revolutionary and statesman, is officially recognised as the first president of Bolivia by some sources. He served as Bolívar's chief of staff during the liberation of Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia from Spanish rule. Sucre was present at the Battle of Ayacucho in 1824, which resulted in the end of Spanish rule in Upper Peru. In August 1825, he convened a constituent assembly that declared the region's independence and passed a resolution of independence from both Peru and Argentina.

On the other hand, historian Carlos Mesa asserts that Bolívar was indeed the first president, and that the lack of the title "president" in legal documents from that time is due to the term not being in common use. Mesa points to a Congressional decree from 11 August 1825, which proclaimed Bolívar "liberator" and granted him "Supreme Executive Power of the Republic". This is the most generally accepted stance, and Bolívar is considered the inaugural holder of the office of President of Bolivia.

Bolívar served as president for five months before being succeeded by Sucre in January 1826. The new nation faced numerous challenges, including boundary disputes, a struggling mining industry, lack of foreign credit, and conflict with the Roman Catholic Church. Sucre's presidency ended in 1828 when he was forced from office by an invading Peruvian army seeking to reunite Peru and Bolivia. Sucre redeemed himself by defeating the Peruvian force at the Battle of Tarqui in February 1829.

The 1826 Constitution

Bolivia's 1826 Constitution, also known as the Bolivarian Constitution, was the first constitutional text prepared by Simón Bolívar. It was sanctioned by the General Constituent Congress on 6 November 1826 and promulgated by Antonio José de Sucre on 19 November 1826. The 1826 Constitution replaced the original 1825 Constitution, which was never adopted.

The franchise under the 1826 Constitution was limited to property owners and those engaged in a remunerative business or studying the arts or sciences. Voting rights were restricted to those literate in Spanish, and domestic and personal servants were excluded. This meant that only a small and privileged elite could vote.

The 1952 Revolution

Since Bolivia's independence in 1825, the country has undergone numerous government changes, with a history marked by military coups, dictatorships, and democratic elections. One of the most significant events during this period was the 1952 Revolution, also known as the National Revolution or the April Revolution, which had a lasting impact on the country's political and social landscape.

The immediate catalyst for the 1952 Revolution was the 1951 presidential election, in which the MNR candidate, Victor Paz Estenssoro, won a majority of the votes. However, the incumbent government refused to accept the results, claiming that Paz had not met the required 51% threshold and that the Bolivian Congress should choose the next president. This prompted widespread protests and civil unrest, with miners and workers playing a significant role in the demonstrations.

On April 9, 1952, a coup d'etat was launched by the police general Antonio Seleme, with civilian support from Hernán Siles Suazo and Juan Lechin Oquendo, both members of the MNR. The revolt was strategically timed as it followed the dismissal of General Seleme from the ruling military junta, allowing the MNR to leverage his control over the La Paz police force. The revolutionaries swiftly took control of strategic institutions, radio stations, and arms depots, distributing weapons to civilians and workers who joined the uprising.

The fighting lasted for several days, with the revolutionaries facing off against the army. A critical turning point came when armed worker militias joined the fight, and young army conscripts, lacking strong allegiance to the government, were persuaded or forced to change sides. The Bolivian army ultimately surrendered, paving the way for a new political order.

The 2006 Constitutional Process

Bolivia's 2006 Constitutional Process was set in motion by the election of Evo Morales, the leader of the Movement for Socialism (MAS), as the country's first indigenous president. Morales had campaigned on a promise to convene a new constituent assembly to draft a new charter that would address social injustice and inequality, especially among the indigenous people.

In August 2006, a constituent assembly was established. By 2007, it had prepared a draft constitution that was approved by the National Congress, despite political disagreements that almost derailed the process in 2008. The draft was finally approved in a Constitutional Referendum in 2009, becoming the country's 17th constitution since independence.

Key features of the new constitution include:

• Recall provisions for all elected public officials
• Nationalization of certain economic sectors, such as the gas industry
• Decentralization of power with four levels of autonomy (departmental, municipal, indigenous, and regional)
• Emphasis on the importance of ethnicity in Bolivia's makeup, with a whole chapter devoted to it
• Recognition of 36 indigenous languages as official languages
• Recognition of Sucre as Bolivia's capital, while maintaining La Paz as the seat of government and de facto administrative capital

The interim government of 2019-2020

Bolivia has experienced a tumultuous political history since its independence in 1825, with a series of coups, counter-coups, and ever-shifting governments. The interim government of 2019-2020, led by Jeanine Añez, was no exception to this volatile landscape.

The events leading to the formation of the interim government began with the 2019 elections, where the preliminary vote count was interrupted, and the final results showed incumbent President Evo Morales narrowly winning by a large enough margin to avoid a runoff election. This sparked widespread protests and accusations of electoral fraud, with the Organization of American States (OAS) releasing a report identifying irregularities in the election. However, these findings were disputed, and the role of the OAS in Morales' eventual ouster was questioned.

Amid the escalating tensions and protests, Morales resigned on national television after the armed forces' Commander-in-Chief, General Williams Kaliman, urged him to step down for the sake of peace and stability. Opposition Senator Jeanine Añez then declared herself interim president, claiming constitutional succession, as the president, vice president, and heads of the legislature chambers had all vacated their positions. Añez's rise to power was supported by far-right groups and marked by a return to obscurantism and repression.

The Añez administration's policies and actions during its tenure were indicative of its intention to dismantle the legacy of the previous Morales government and consolidate its power. Añez ordered joint police and army patrols in major cities, a move that was unprecedented in democratic times and raised concerns about fair and free elections. The interim government also reversed foreign policy decisions, aligning more closely with Washington and breaking ties with former allies like Venezuela and Cuba.

The Añez government was accused of attempting to silence dissent and criticism. It removed certain media outlets from TV networks, arrested journalists, and threatened others with arrest for sedition, leading to self-censorship and the closure of news programmes. The interim government also blamed the conflict on 'narcoterrorists', attempting to portray the opposition as part of a foreign terrorist plot. Additionally, the judicial system was employed to intimidate members of the previous administration, with investigations launched against hundreds of individuals.

The economic policies of the Añez government marked a shift from the previous administration's approach, lowering growth expectations and considering easing the tax burden on oil and gas companies to attract foreign investment. The interim government also introduced mass redundancies and layoffs in ministries and public firms, including the diplomatic corps.

The primary responsibility of the Añez government was to organise new national elections and appoint a new electoral tribunal. Añez nominated Salvador Romero, who enjoyed cross-party respect, and the Legislative Assembly selected the remaining members. The new tribunal set the election date for 3 May 2020, with Carlos Mesa, Fernando Camacho, Jorge Quiroga, Chi Hyun Chung, and Félix Patzi among the declared candidates.

In conclusion, the interim government of 2019-2020 in Bolivia was a period marked by political upheaval, social unrest, and a rollback of the previous administration's policies. The actions of the Añez government reflected its intention to entrench its power and reverse the course of the country, often through undemocratic means.

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