The Dark Secrets Of Brunei's Corruption

Brunei, officially Brunei Darussalam, is a country in Southeast Asia with a population of approximately 455,858 as of 2023. It is a constitutional absolute monarchy ruled by Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah, who has led the country since 1967. While Brunei ranks high in gender parity and economic development, there are concerns about corruption and human rights abuses, particularly with the enactment of the Sharia Penal Code, which imposes harsh punishments for adultery, gay sex, and theft. The country's wealth is largely derived from its petroleum and natural gas fields, making it vulnerable to fluctuations in oil prices. In terms of corruption, watchdog Transparency International's 2019 Corruption Perception Index ranked Brunei as the second least corrupt country in the region, behind Singapore. However, the country's economic dependence on natural resources and lack of aggressive measures to reform the economy could challenge its status as a wealthy nation in the future.

Brunei's Sultan and his ministers

Brunei is an absolute monarchy ruled by Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah, who is also the head of government in his capacity as prime minister. The sultan's ministers are far less admired than the sultan himself, who is seen as a generous ruler providing free healthcare, education, housing, and 0% income tax. However, the sultan's ministers do not have the same level of popularity. There are no elected representatives, and freedom of speech is limited. The country's media landscape is heavily restricted, with the Brunei Times being shut down in 2016.

The sultan wields significant power, with emergency powers in place since 1962 allowing him to govern with few limitations on his authority. He is the head of state and the head of government, and he has the power to appoint all higher-court judges, who serve at his pleasure. The Legislative Council, composed of appointed, indirectly elected, and ex officio members, has a purely consultative role in recommending and approving legislation and budgets.

The sultan's ministers are not directly elected and operate within a constrained freedom of speech environment. While the people of Brunei may write letters to the sultan, it is unclear if he receives them, as the correspondence is likely filtered. The sultan's ministers are not as easily accessible as the sultan, and there is a lack of independent civil society due to the absence of elected representatives.

The sultan's ministers are responsible for various portfolios and play a crucial role in governing the country. They work closely with the sultan and implement his policies, but their individual influence and power depend on their proximity to the sultan and their alignment with his wishes. The sultan's ministers are ultimately accountable to him, and their popularity often pales in comparison to that of the sultan himself.

The country's wealth and natural resources

Brunei is one of the smallest yet richest states in the world. With a population of less than 500,000, it is arguably the closest any nation has come to a total welfare state. The Sultan's government pays for education, healthcare, and most other living expenses of its citizens. This is financed through Brunei's massive oil and natural gas wealth, which make up 99% of its exports. The country also has a steady stream of revenue from overseas investment.

Brunei's gross domestic product (GDP) in 2017 was approximately $12.13 billion, which was the 129th highest in the world based on estimates from the World Bank. However, its per capita GDP was the fourth highest in the world, at approximately $78,836, according to data from the International Monetary Fund. This is due to the country's effective utilisation of its natural resources, its economic policies, and foreign investments.

The country's most vital natural resources include forests and deposits of oil and natural gas. Brunei is the third-largest oil producer in Southeast Asia, averaging about 180,000 barrels per day. It is also the ninth-largest producer of liquefied natural gas in the world, with most of its natural gas being exported to Japan and South Korea.

In addition to its fossil fuel resources, Brunei also has a significant agricultural sector. The country keeps livestock such as cattle and buffalo and is self-sufficient in egg production and nearly self-sufficient in poultry production. Rice is one of the most important food crops in Brunei due to the large quantities consumed by the population. However, only 1% of the rice eaten in the country is grown within its borders. The government has introduced technology and irrigation schemes to modernise the farming sector and actively encourages farmers to grow citrus fruits, particularly for export. Despite these measures, the agricultural sector has failed to grow due to a lack of interest from Bruneians, who are put off by low salaries.

Brunei also has a thriving tourism industry, with its vast biodiversity and well-preserved forests attracting visitors from all over the world. The Ulu Temburong National Park, also known as the Faithful Park, is one of the country's premier tourist destinations. The park is often referred to as Brunei's green jewel, with several rivers flowing through it, including the Belalong and Temburong Rivers.

Brunei's legal system

In 2014, Brunei began to implement Syariah law for criminal cases, with full implementation of the system by 2019. This made Brunei the first Southeast Asian country to adopt strict Syariah criminal law, which applies to both Muslims and non-Muslims. The Syariah Penal Code Order 2013 outlines the criminal laws under this system, and while not all provisions apply to non-Muslims, the Order states that it applies to both Muslims and non-Muslims unless otherwise expressly provided.

The country's judicial power is vested in the Supreme Court, which consists of the Court of Appeal and the High Court. The High Court handles more serious offences and appeals from the magistrates' courts, while the Court of Appeal hears appeals from the High Court. The final court of appeal for civil cases is the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council of London.

Brunei has been ruled under a State of Emergency since 1962, granting the Sultan extensive legislative powers. The Sultan can pass any legislation deemed necessary through Emergency Orders and is not subject to judicial review.

The laws of Brunei consist of the Constitution, Statutes, subsidiary legislation, Islamic laws, caselaw/judicial precedent, and the common law of England.

The country's international relations

Brunei maintains diplomatic relations with 170 out of 193 countries. It joined the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1984, one week after gaining full independence, and places the highest priority on its ASEAN membership in its foreign relations. It also became a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, the United Nations, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, and the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the 1980s and 1990s.

Brunei has a number of diplomatic missions abroad and close relations with Singapore, with an interchangeable currency regime and close military ties. It also has extensive relations with the Muslim world and the Arab world outside its own region. Brunei has close relations with other ASEAN states, including the Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia.

Brunei's foreign policy is balanced and cautious, and it adheres to the "consensus" decision-making model within the ASEAN forum. The Sultan of Brunei has close personal ties with leaders of many Arab Gulf countries, and his personal experiences influence the country's foreign relations. For example, Brunei's close ties with Singapore are partly due to the Sultan's father's friendship with Lee Kuan Yew. Brunei also has strong bilateral relations with the United Kingdom, particularly in defence cooperation, trade, and education. The UK plays a significant role in developing Brunei's oil and gas sector, and the Brunei Investment Agency is a notable investor in the UK.

In terms of military cooperation, the United States has had joint exercises and training programs with Brunei's armed forces since 1994. However, the Sultan has been wary of too-close dealings with the US due to a past incident where a covert contribution he made to the Nicaraguan Contras went missing due to an incorrect bank account number provided by the US.

Brunei's media

The government has the authority to close newspapers without prior notice or justification, and local newspapers are required to obtain operating licenses and government approval for hiring foreign editorial staff. The government also controls the distribution of foreign publications, requiring distributors to obtain permits, and has the right to bar their entry into the country. These factors contribute to a climate where journalists and media outlets exercise caution in their reporting to avoid repercussions from the authorities.

The country's only local television station is government-owned, and while some Malaysian channels and satellite services are accessible, content is subject to censorship based on theme or context, including religious content. The government also holds regular press conferences and has allowed the media to question officials publicly, particularly regarding the COVID-19 situation.

Brunei's laws impose strict penalties for publishing content deemed seditious or critical of the royal family, the government, or Islam. Publishers, editors, and journalists can face suspension, fines, and imprisonment for such offences. These restrictions extend to online media, with the government monitoring and censoring internet content, including social media, and blocking access to certain websites.

The government's interpretation of the Sharia Penal Code (SPC) further limits media freedom. The SPC prohibits the publication or distribution of any material that could be construed as insulting to Islam or the sultan, or that promotes religious teachings without written approval. These provisions create a challenging environment for journalists and media outlets, who risk legal consequences for violating these broad restrictions.

While Brunei has made some efforts to combat political corruption, it continues to be an issue. The country's absolute monarchy, with the sultan holding extensive powers, contributes to a lack of transparency and accountability. The government has mechanisms to address human rights abuses and corruption, and there have been prosecutions of government officials on corruption charges. However, the media's ability to report on these issues is constrained by the aforementioned restrictions and the overall climate of censorship.

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