The Lingering Resentment: Unraveling Afghanistan's Complex Relationship With America

The relationship between Afghanistan and the United States has been fraught with tension and misunderstanding. While it is challenging to make sweeping generalisations about the sentiments of an entire nation, some sources suggest that anti-American sentiment is prevalent in Afghanistan, fuelled by incidents such as war crimes committed by rogue U.S. troops and civilian casualties caused by coalition bombings. The U.S. has been viewed as an occupying force, with its involvement in Afghanistan seen as a form of cultural imperialism that imposed Western values and norms on a traditional society. However, other sources argue that not all Afghans are anti-American, and that the protests against the U.S. presence represent a minority of the population. The complex dynamics between these two nations cannot be summed up in simplistic notions of hatred, as there are nuanced factors at play, including the role of the Taliban, the legacy of foreign invasions, and the pursuit of self-interest by both countries.

The US failed to understand Afghanistan and its people

The US spent close to $1 billion on developing a formal legal system in Afghanistan, but Afghans were unimpressed. The US misjudged what would constitute an acceptable justice system from the perspective of many Afghans, which ultimately created an opportunity for the Taliban to exert influence.

The US saw a strong, centralised authority as the answer to Afghanistan's problems and backed a constitution that invested the president with sweeping powers. This undermined the development of political parties and the parliament.

The US pushed programs that were meant to re-engineer Afghan culture and gender norms. It spent close to $1 billion on promoting gender equality, but this was often tantamount to social and cultural engineering in a conservative country that was still struggling to establish basic security.

The US failed to understand that Afghans wanted a say in their own government. Instead of telling Afghans how to live, the US could have given them the space to make their own decisions about who they wanted to be.

The Taliban's return to power

Economic Collapse and Humanitarian Crisis

The Afghan economy has imploded since the Taliban's return to power, with the country facing mass unemployment, a collapsed housing market, and increased malnutrition rates. The Taliban inherited a weak state, and the withdrawal of foreign aid has only exacerbated the situation. Sanctions against senior Taliban leaders have paralysed the banking sector and cut off Afghanistan from the international financial system. As a result, the value of the country's currency, the afghani, has plummeted, causing a cost-of-living crisis. The health care system is crumbling, with maternal mortality rates thought to have increased fourfold.

Restrictions on Women's Rights and Civil Liberties

The Taliban have imposed strict restrictions on women's rights and civil liberties. Most women have been banned from working and are not allowed to travel long distances without a male chaperone. They are also required to cover their faces in public and are prohibited from attending or teaching at universities. The Taliban have also restricted press freedoms and cracked down violently on demonstrations.

Security Situation

While the Taliban claim to have achieved full territorial control and improved security, Afghanistan remains far from secure. There has been a significant rise in attacks by the Islamic State Khorasan Province (IS-KP) targeting Shia and other minorities. Additionally, there have been targeted killings of high-profile Taliban supporters and members. The overall security situation has improved since the end of fighting between Taliban fighters and US-led forces, but violence remains widespread, particularly from the Islamic State in Khorasan.

International Relations

No country has recognised the Taliban government, and the group faces international condemnation for its failure to honour promises on security, governance, and human rights. The US and its allies have withdrawn their forces from Afghanistan and imposed sanctions, while aid deliveries have been hindered by additional US and EU sanctions. Regional actors, such as Pakistan, Iran, China, and Russia, have kept diplomatic channels open but have not formally recognised the Taliban regime.

Governance

The Taliban refer to their government as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and are led by a supreme leader, the emir, who is believed to be endowed by God with authority. The current emir is Mawlawi Hibatullah Akhundzada, who has rarely been seen publicly. The Taliban government lacks a formal structure, and Afghanistan currently lacks a basis for rule of law, with Taliban security forces making spot decisions and issuing judgments.

In conclusion, the Taliban's return to power in Afghanistan has resulted in a deteriorating economic and humanitarian situation, severe restrictions on civil liberties, a fragile security environment, and international isolation. The future for Afghans living under Taliban rule remains highly uncertain.

War crimes committed by US troops

• In 2002, two unarmed civilian Afghan prisoners, Habibullah and Dilawar, were tortured and beaten to death by US armed forces personnel at the Bagram Theater Internment Facility. Autopsies revealed severe trauma to both prisoners' legs, comparable to being run over by a bus.
• The Maywand District murders: between June 2009 and June 2010, a group of US soldiers killed three Afghan civilians and collected their body parts as trophies.
• The Kandahar massacre: in March 2012, Staff Sergeant Robert Bales killed 16 Afghan civilians and wounded six others. Nine of the victims were children, and 11 of the dead were from the same family.
• In 2015, a US airstrike hit a hospital operated by Doctors Without Borders in Kunduz, killing 42 people and injuring over 30.
• In August 2021, a US drone strike in Kabul killed 10 civilians, including seven children.
• US troops have also been accused of torture, mistreatment, and killings of prisoners in Afghanistan.

US support for corrupt Afghan officials and militias

The US government's support for corrupt Afghan officials and militias has been a significant factor in the country's instability and the rise of the Taliban.

In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, the US partnered with Afghan warlords and strongmen, many of whom had committed war crimes and human rights abuses, to eliminate al-Qaeda and the remnants of the Taliban. These warlords, such as Mohammed Qasim Fahim Khan and Abdul Rashid Dostum, were brought into government positions, where they continued their abuses, maintained private militias, and had links to narcotics, smuggling, and criminal networks. With a weak central government and no fear of law enforcement, these warlords gained impunity, and their patronage networks became more entrenched.

The US provided financial support to these warlords, with the CIA giving cash to governors, parliamentarians, and religious leaders. This was done in exchange for loyalty and information, but it ultimately fuelled corruption and empowered abusive power brokers. The US also turned a blind eye to human rights abuses committed by these militias, such as the massacre of up to 2,000 Taliban prisoners by Dostum's forces in 2001.

In addition to supporting warlords, the US also backed corrupt Afghan officials. President Hamid Karzai's aide, Mohammad Zia Salehi, was arrested for his involvement in a corruption scandal but was later released on Karzai's orders. It was later revealed that Salehi had been on the CIA's payroll for years. The CIA also delivered \"bags of cash\" directly to the Afghan government, which often ended up in the hands of corrupt warlords and politicians.

The US military's civil affairs framework, known as provincial reconstruction teams (PRTs), has also been criticised for lacking central controlling authority and creating an ad hoc approach to security and development. This disorganisation and lack of oversight contributed to the corruption and empowered abusive militias.

The US government's support for corrupt Afghan officials and militias had far-reaching consequences. It undermined the legitimacy of the Afghan government, strengthened popular support for the insurgency, and channelled resources to insurgent groups. It also damaged the credibility of the US in the eyes of the Afghan people, who perceived the US as tolerating and even encouraging corruption and abuses. This resentment and distrust of the US and Afghan governments created by these policies fostered deep resentment and weakened Afghanistan's political and military capacities, ultimately contributing to the Taliban's resurgence and the fall of Kabul in 2021.

The US's heavy-handed approach to gender equality

The US has spent nearly $1 billion on promoting gender equality in Afghanistan since 2002. While Afghan women and girls have made substantial gains in the past two decades, the US's heavy-handed approach to gender equality has been criticised for being too prescriptive and not taking into account the cultural context in Afghanistan.

Since 2002, the US has disbursed at least $787.4 million for programs that specifically and primarily supported Afghan women and girls in the areas of health, education, political participation, access to justice, and economic participation. However, this figure does not include the hundreds of other US programs that included a gender component, so the total amount of US investment in this area is likely much higher.

While these efforts have yielded some positive results, they have also been criticised for being too prescriptive and not taking into account the cultural context in Afghanistan. For example, the US Agency for International Development's (USAID) Gender Equality and Female Empowerment Policy stated the ambitious goal of "working with men and boys, women and girls to bring about changes in attitudes, behaviours, roles and responsibilities". While this is a worthy objective, the US approach has been criticised for being heavy-handed and counterproductive.

A report by the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) concluded that US officials need "a more nuanced understanding of gender roles and relations in the Afghan cultural context" and of "how to support women and girls without provoking backlash that might endanger them or stall progress". The report found that US programs were often designed based on assumptions that were ill-suited to the Afghan context and the challenges faced by women and girls in the country.

One example of this is the focus on promoting women's participation in the workforce. While this is a laudable goal, it has been met with resistance and backlash in Afghanistan, particularly in rural areas. Women who seek to enter the workforce often face opposition from their families and communities, and those who do enter the workforce often face harassment and discrimination. Efforts to increase women's participation in the Afghan National Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF) have also been met with resistance, with women who serve in the security forces facing social stigma, discrimination, and harassment from their male colleagues.

Another example is the focus on education for girls. While there have been significant increases in the number of girls enrolled in school, these gains have been concentrated in urban areas and largely at the primary school level. In rural areas, girls' access to education is constrained by a lack of female teachers and infrastructure, as well as pressure to withdraw from school at puberty. Additionally, the quality of education remains a problem, with many girls not receiving a quality education that prepares them for the workforce.

Overall, while the US has made significant investments in promoting gender equality in Afghanistan, their heavy-handed approach has been criticised for not taking into account the cultural context and for provoking backlash that may ultimately stall progress toward gender equality.

Frequently asked questions