The Monotheistic Faith Of Afghanistan: A Nation's Spiritual Unity

Afghanistan is an Islamic state, with the majority of its citizens following Islam. The country's cultural and national identity is deeply shaped by the religion, which is noticeable in the dress, dietary codes, language, and daily routine of Afghans. While the exact percentage of the population that believes in God is unknown, it is estimated that 99.7% of the population is Muslim, with Sunni Muslims constituting 80-89.7% of the population, and Shia Muslims making up 7-20%. Afghanistan's religious minorities, such as Hindus, Sikhs, Baha'is, and Christians, constitute less than 0.3% of the population.

Afghanistan is an Islamic state, with 90% of the population following Sunni Islam

Afghanistan is an Islamic state, with approximately 99% of its population following Islam. The country's official religion is Islam, and the majority of the population are Muslim. The religion shapes the cultural and national identity of Afghanistan, influencing dress, dietary codes, language, and prayer.

Around 90% of the population follow Sunni Islam, with the remaining Muslim population being primarily Shia. Sunni Muslims constitute between 84.7% and 89.7% of the population, while Shia Muslims make up between 10% and 15%. The Afghan government is established as a Sunni Islamic Republic, resulting in societal pressure to adhere to Sunni Islamic traditions. The Sunni-Shia divide is largely ethnic, with Pashtuns, Tajiks, and Uzbeks being predominantly Sunni, and Hazaras being the largest Shia community.

The Taliban, a radicalised Sunni terrorist insurgency group, have historically targeted and killed members of minority religious communities, particularly Shia Muslims. The Taliban's interpretation of Islam is extremely conservative, and they have imposed their religious views on the Afghan people, particularly regarding the role of women in society and their access to education.

Afghanistan's religious demographics have shifted over time. Before the arrival and spread of Islam, the primary religions in the region were Zoroastrianism, Hinduism, and Buddhism. Today, there are small residual communities of Christians, Sikhs, Hindus, and Baha'is, constituting less than 0.3% of the population.

The cultural and national identity of Afghanistan is deeply shaped by Islam, influencing dress, dietary codes, and language

Afghanistan is a landlocked country in south-central Asia, with a population of around 39 million people. It is a multi-ethnic society, with diverse ethnic, linguistic, and tribal groups. The official languages are Pashto and Dari (Afghan Persian/Farsi), with Turkic languages (Uzbek and Turkmen) also widely spoken. The country is predominantly Muslim, with approximately 99% of the population practising Islam. The Afghan government is established as a Sunni Islamic Republic, with strong societal pressure to adhere to Sunni Islamic traditions.

Islam has a profound influence on the cultural and national identity of Afghanistan, shaping many aspects of daily life, including dress, dietary codes, and language. The faith is noticeable in the way people dress; for example, women are expected to wear loose-fitting pants under their skirts and headscarves in public. The influence of Islam is also evident in dietary codes, with certain foods being prohibited, and during the holy month of Ramadan, when Afghans fast from dawn to dusk.

The Islamic faith is also reflected in the way people speak. It is common to slip praise to Allah (God) into casual conversation, and reverence to Allah is evident in the way people speak. While the majority of Afghans believe in God and the holy Qur'an, not all may be formally educated in the religion. Low literacy rates mean that some people may not have read the Qur'an and rely on others who have memorised the text to pass on the word of God.

The two main variations of Islam, Sunni and Shi'a, are followed in Afghanistan, with ethnicity generally determining which denomination one belongs to. The Pashtuns, Tajiks, and Uzbeks are mostly Sunni, while the Hazaras are the largest Shi'a population. The statistical estimations of each Muslim denomination's size in Afghanistan are unclear, with estimates ranging from 10% to 25% for the Shi'a population.

The strong influence of Islam on Afghanistan's cultural and national identity is further evident in the country's social and behavioural norms. Afghans generally have a strong sense of personal honour and are highly aware of their community's opinion of them. Hospitality, loyalty, and modesty are highly valued, and Islamic values, concepts, and practices inform these social norms.

The Taliban's religious roadmap for Afghanistan includes three closely intertwined initiatives: a state religious ideology, originalist religious credentials, and religious nationalism

Afghanistan is an Islamic state, with most citizens following Islam. The Taliban's religious roadmap for Afghanistan includes three closely intertwined initiatives: a state religious ideology, originalist religious credentials, and religious nationalism.

Firstly, the Taliban rulers are setting the foundational rules to transform their religious movement into a permanent ideology: Talibanism. This hybrid code dictates the Taliban’s worldview, which views society as a competition between godliness and worldliness. Talibanism commands that Islam dictate every aspect of daily life and considers Afghan society insufficiently Islamic and in need of re-Islamization. It makes a clear distinction between its devotees, the mujahideen, and others—particularly anti-Taliban Afghans and modernizers—who they consider hypocrites.

Secondly, the Taliban rulers are revalidating themselves as a vanguard for a true Islamic leadership of Afghanistan. This Taliban recasting is broadly akin to those of other Islamic revivalists and ideological revolutionaries such as Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood. While there are many Taliban variants, a cluster of religious clerics effectively serves as the movement’s nerve center. Unlike the Taliban’s pragmatists, these clerics are “originalists,” who view Islam as the tip of the spear and the Quran as their constitution. They operate through a loose set of policy action documents, known as Dastur. It is this select group who make sensitive Taliban decisions through an inner religious shura.

Thirdly, the Taliban rulers are re-engineering the principles of Afghan nationalism to align with Islamic nationalism. Historically, pan-Afghan nationalism emerged as a form of resistance against foreign incursions. With Afghans largely divided and the concept of common Afghan threats now an anomaly, Afghan nationalism today centers around ethnic nationalism that emphasizes the decentralization of state power and resources. This context has provided the Taliban with an opportunity to spearhead a return to the past by merging Afghan nationalism with Islamic nationalism. The Taliban’s trap of nationalism hinges on their emerging re-Islamization agenda, which involves imposing a singular Islamic identity in Afghanistan.

The Taliban's religious roadmap for Afghanistan, with its three closely intertwined initiatives, provides a preview of how the new rulers intend to interact with temporal political realities by provoking religious reform in order to rule Afghanistan.

The Taliban's interpretation of Islam is influenced by Deobandism, a variant of Hanafi Islam that emerged during British colonial rule in India in the 19th century

The Taliban's interpretation of Islam is rooted in Deobandism, a variant of Hanafi Islam that emerged in the 19th century during British colonial rule in India. Deobandism, also known as the Deobandi movement, was founded in the town of Deoband in India by Muslim clerics Maulana Muhammad Qasim Nanautawi and Maulana Rashid Muhammad Gangohi. The movement was a response to the perceived threat of cultural and religious domination by Western powers in India, particularly following the 1857 revolt against British colonial rule.

The Deobandi school of Islam emphasizes Islamic scholarship, piety, and strict adherence to Sunni Islamic law or Sharia. It advocates for a return to the core principles and practices of Islam from the time of the Prophet Muhammad in the seventh century. Deobandism upholds the concept of global jihad as a sacred duty to protect Muslims worldwide and rejects any non-Islamic ideas.

The first Deobandi madrassa, or Islamic school, was established in the north Indian state of present-day Uttar Pradesh in the late 19th century. The Deobandi school system quickly spread across the Indian subcontinent, particularly among the Pashtuns, an ethnic group living on both sides of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. Pashtun leaders played a crucial role in establishing and expanding the Deobandi curriculum in the Pashtun belt.

After the partition of British India in 1947, many prominent Deobandi scholars migrated to Pakistan, where they set up numerous madrassas. The independence of India and Pakistan allowed the Deobandi school to focus on training students within this fundamentalist Islamic tradition. Over time, Deobandi madrassas spread across Pakistan, and their political activism was influenced by issues such as India's treatment of Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir.

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 marked a significant turning point for the Deobandi movement. The resistance to Soviet occupation, fueled by American and Saudi funding, drew a substantial number of fighters from Deobandi madrassas, especially Pashtuns. During this period, Deobandi madrassas also experienced increased financial assistance and influence from Saudi Arabia, which promoted its own interpretation of Islam, known as Wahhabism.

Many key leaders and fighters of the Taliban, including its founder Mullah Omar, were educated in Deobandi seminaries in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The Taliban's brand of Islam, influenced by Deobandism, is known for its strict interpretation and imposition of Islamic law, intolerance of religious minorities, and severe restrictions on the rights of women and girls.

The Taliban's strict interpretation of Islam has led to restrictions on women's rights, including their access to education and participation in public life

Restrictions on Women's Access to Education

The Taliban have barred women from universities and workplaces, with girls losing access to education, employment, and public spaces. In December 2022, the Taliban banned women from universities and working in non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This has led to some NGOs pausing their operations in Afghanistan.

In some provinces, secondary education for girls is still allowed, despite a nationwide ban. However, in other areas, there are no functioning primary schools for girls. The Taliban have also imposed restrictions on women's mobility, with women being banned from travelling more than 45 miles without a close male relative.

Restrictions on Women's Participation in Public Life

The Taliban have effectively erased women from public life, with women being banned from working in most sectors beyond health and education. They have also been banned from entering amusement parks, public baths, gyms, and sports clubs. Additionally, women have been wholly excluded from public office and the judiciary.

International Reaction to the Taliban's Restrictions on Women's Rights

The Taliban's restrictions on women's rights have been widely condemned by the international community, including by the United Nations, which has stated that the treatment of women by the Taliban may amount to "gender apartheid". The United States, the United Kingdom, and other countries have also spoken out against the Taliban's decisions and urged them to roll back the restrictions.

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