Austria-Hungary: A Complex Geopolitical Identity In Europe

The Austro-Hungarian Empire was a bureaucratic empire that existed from 1867 to 1918. It was a diverse state, with German, Slav, Hungarian, Romanian, Greek, Bulgarian, Albanian, and Turkish populations. The empire was located in Central Europe and extended into the Balkan Peninsula, which is a large peninsula in southeastern Europe. The Balkans were of great strategic importance as they sat at the crossroads of the Ottoman, Russian, and Austro-Hungarian empires and provided access to several waterways. The Austro-Hungarian Empire's interests in the Balkans were driven by a desire to prevent Russia from establishing itself as the protector of the Orthodox Balkan Slavs and to compensate for the loss of territory following the unification of Italy. This led to conflict with Serbia, which sought to expand its influence in the region and gain control of territories it considered to be historically Serbian. These tensions eventually contributed to the outbreak of World War I.

The Austrian-Hungarian Empire's annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina

The Austrian-Hungarian Empire was a central European empire. However, it had interests in the Balkan region, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which were nominally under the control of the Ottoman Empire. In 1878, the Congress of Berlin awarded the Austrian-Hungarian Empire the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the legal title remaining with the Ottoman Empire. This was largely due to the secret agreements between Austria-Hungary and Russia, in which Russia acquiesced to Austria-Hungary's acquisition of Bosnia and Herzegovina in exchange for Russia's acquisition of Bessarabia.

The Austrian-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was met with fierce resistance from elements of both the Muslim and Orthodox populations. Despite setbacks and thousands of casualties, the Austro-Hungarian Army was able to occupy the region by October 1878. The occupation led to mass emigration, particularly of Muslim dissidents, and the implementation of social and administrative reforms aimed at making Bosnia and Herzegovina into a "model colony". The Austro-Hungarian administration advocated a pluralist and multi-confessional Bosnian nation, promoting the idea of "Bosniakhood" to inspire a sense of belonging to a powerful nation. However, these policies had mixed results, and nationalism continued to grow in the region.

In 1908, the Austrian-Hungarian Empire formally annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, provoking the Bosnian Crisis. This unilateral action was timed to coincide with Bulgaria's declaration of independence from the Ottoman Empire. The annexation sparked protests from the Great Powers and Austria-Hungary's Balkan neighbours, particularly Serbia and Montenegro, as it upset the fragile balance of power in the Balkans. The Serbian government, with support from Russia, began to organise secret guerrilla bands and plot insurrection in Bosnia.

The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina had far-reaching consequences. It permanently damaged relations between Austria-Hungary and its neighbours, especially Serbia, Italy, and Russia. It also contributed to the rise of nationalism and the deterioration of relations between different ethnic and religious groups in the region. Ultimately, it helped lay the groundwork for World War I, as the struggle for power in the tumultuous Balkans morphed into a devastating international conflict.

The Balkan League

The formation of the Balkan League was triggered by several factors. One key issue was the Albanian Uprising of 1911, which threatened Serbia's expansionist ambitions. Serbia had hoped to expand northward but was thwarted by the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908. With the creation of an Albanian Vilayet, Serbia's last direction of possible expansion was blocked. Bulgaria, on the other hand, had long-term ambitions regarding the incorporation of Ottoman-held territories, particularly Thrace and Macedonia.

Under Russian pressure, Serbia and Bulgaria put aside their differences and signed an alliance on March 13, 1912, which was originally directed against Austria-Hungary. However, a secret chapter was added to the treaty, redirecting the alliance against the Ottoman Empire. Serbia then formed an alliance with Montenegro, and Bulgaria did the same with Greece. The inclusion of Greece was essential as its fleet could prevent the mass transfer of Ottoman reinforcements from Asia to Europe by sea.

Serbian nationalism

The origins of Serbian nationalism date back to the 19th century, with the 1804 uprisings by Serbs against Ottoman rule, which eventually led to the creation of an independent Serbian state in 1878. However, Serbian nationalists themselves cite the Battle of Kosovo in 1389 as the origin of the movement. This battle, which took place between Serbia and the Ottoman Empire, holds important symbolic meaning for Serbian nationalists.

After Serbia gained independence in 1878, both South Slavs and the Serbian government considered their peoples in Habsburg-ruled Austria-Hungary to be under occupation. This led to increasing antagonism between Serbia and Austria-Hungary from the late 19th century to the early 20th century. In 1914, the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand by Bosnian Serb revolutionary Gavrilo Princip resulted in Austria-Hungary accusing Serbia of involvement and subsequently declaring war on Serbia, leading to World War I.

In the aftermath of World War II, Josip Broz Tito's communist Yugoslavia was established, and nationalism was suppressed. However, Serbian nationalism resurfaced in the 1960s and escalated following Tito's death in 1980. During the 1980s, Serbian intellectuals broke taboos and challenged state-sponsored policies, with some viewing Yugoslavia as detrimental to the Serb nation. Slobodan Milošević became the major spokesperson for Serbian nationalists within the communist establishment, promoting centralization of power and a nationalist motto of "Strong Serbia, Strong Yugoslavia".

The Eastern Question

The Napoleonic era (1799-1815) brought some relief to the faltering Ottoman Empire. It distracted Russia from further advances. Napoleon invaded Egypt but his army was trapped there when the British decisively defeated the French fleet at Aboukir Bay. A peace interlude in 1803 allowed the army to return to France. To secure his own domination and to render the rest of Europe virtually powerless, Napoleon established an alliance with Russia by concluding the Treaty of Tilsit in 1807. Russia pledged to provide aid to Napoleon in his war against Britain; in turn, the Emperor of Russia would receive the Ottoman territories of Moldavia and Wallachia. If the Sultan refused to surrender these territories, France and Russia were to attack the Empire, and the Ottoman domains in Europe were to be partitioned between the two allies.

The Napoleonic scheme threatened not only the Sultan, but also Britain, Austria and Prussia, which were almost powerless in the face of such a potent alliance. The alliance naturally proved accommodating to the Austrians, who hoped that a joint Franco-Russian attack, which would probably have utterly devastated the Ottoman Empire, could be prevented by diplomacy; but if diplomatic measures failed, the Austrian minister Klemens von Metternich decided that he would support the partition of the Ottoman Empire—a solution disadvantageous to Austria, but not as dangerous as a complete Russian takeover of Southeastern Europe.

An attack on the Empire, however, did not come to pass, and the alliance concluded at Tilsit was dissolved by the French invasion of Russia in 1812. Following Napoleon's defeat by the Great Powers in 1815, representatives of the victors met at the Congress of Vienna, but failed to take any action relating to the territorial integrity of the decaying Ottoman Empire. This omission, together with the exclusion of the Sultan from the Holy Alliance, was interpreted by many as supportive of the position that the Eastern Question was a Russian domestic issue that did not concern any other European nations.

Alexander's death in 1825 brought Nicholas I to the Imperial Throne of Russia. Deciding that he would no longer tolerate negotiations and conferences, he chose to intervene in Greece. Britain also soon became involved, with its intervention motivated in part by the desire to prevent the young Greek state from becoming a wholly Russian vassal. The spirit of romanticism that then dominated Western European cultural life also made support for Greek independence politically viable. France too aligned itself with the Greeks, but Austria (still worried about Russian expansion) did not. Outraged by the interference of the Great Powers, the Ottoman Sultan, Mahmud II, denounced Russia as an enemy of Islam, prompting Russia to declare war in 1828. An alarmed Austria sought to form an anti-Russian coalition, but its attempts were in vain.

As the war continued into 1829, Russia gained a firm advantage over the Ottoman Empire. By prolonging hostilities further, however, Russia would have invited Austria to enter the war against her and would have resulted in considerable suspicion in Britain. Therefore, for the Russians to continue with the war in hopes of destroying the Ottoman Empire would have been inexpedient. At this stage, the King of France, Charles X, proposed the partition of the Ottoman Empire among Austria, Russia and others, but his scheme was presented too belatedly to produce a result.

Thus, Russia was able to secure neither a decisive defeat nor a partition of the Ottoman Empire. It chose, however, to adopt the policy of degrading the Ottoman Empire to a mere dependency. In 1829, the Emperor of Russia concluded the Treaty of Adrianople with the Sultan; his empire was granted additional territory along the Black Sea, Russian commercial vessels were granted access to the Dardanelles, and the commercial rights of Russians in the Ottoman Empire were enhanced. The Greek War of Independence was terminated shortly thereafter, as Greece was granted independence by the Treaty of Constantinople in 1832.

Just as the Greek Revolt was coming to an end, the Egyptian-Ottoman War (1831-1833) broke out in the Ottoman Empire between the Sultan and his nominal viceroy in Egypt, Muhammad Ali. The modern and well-trained Egyptians looked as though they could conquer the empire. The Tsar of Russia, in keeping with his policy of reducing the Ottoman Sultan to a petty vassal, offered to form an alliance with the Sultan. In 1833, the two rulers negotiated the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, in which Russia secured complete dominance over the Ottomans. The Russians pledged to protect the Empire from external attacks; in turn, the Sultan pledged to close the Dardanelles to warships whenever Russia was at war. This provision of the Treaty raised a problem known as the "Straits Question". The agreement provided for the closure of all warships, but many European statesmen mistakenly believed that the clause allowed Russian vessels. Britain and France were angered by the misinterpreted clause; they also sought to contain Russian expansionism. The two kingdoms, however, differed on how to achieve their objective; the British wished to uphold the Sultan, but the French preferred to make Muhammad Ali (whom they saw as more competent) the ruler of the entire Ottoman Empire. Russian intervention led the Sultan to negotiate a peace with Muhammad Ali in 1833, but war broke out once again in 1839.

Sultan Mahmud II died the same year, leaving the Ottoman Empire to his son Abdulmejid I in a critical state: the Ottoman army had been significantly defeated by the forces of Muhammad Ali. Another disaster followed when the entire Turkish fleet was seized by the Egyptian forces. Great Britain and Russia now intervened to prevent the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, but France still continued to support Muhammad Ali. In 1840, however, the Great Powers agreed to compromise; Muhammad Ali agreed to make a nominal act of submission to the Sultan, but was granted hereditary control of Egypt.

The only unresolved issue of the period was the Straits Question. In 1841, Russia consented to the abrogation of the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi by accepting the London Straits Convention. The Great Powers — Russia, Britain, France, Austria and Prussia — agreed to the re-establishment of the "ancient rule" of the Ottoman Empire, which provided that the Turkish straits would be closed to all warships whatsoever, with the exception of the Sultan's allies during wartime. With the Straits Convention, the Russian Emperor Nicholas I abandoned the idea of reducing the Sultan to a state of dependence, and returned to the plan of partitioning Ottoman territories in Europe.

Thus, after the resolution of the Egyptian struggle which had begun in 1831, the weak Ottoman Empire was no longer wholly dependent on Russia but was dependent on the Great Powers for protection. Attempts at internal reform failed to end the decline of the Empire. By the 1840s, the Ottoman Empire had become the "sick man of Europe", and its eventual dissolution appeared inevitable.

After the Great Powers reached a compromise to end the revolt of Mehmet Ali, the Eastern Question lay dormant for about a decade until revived by the Revolutions of 1848. Although Russia could have seized the opportunity to attack the Ottoman Empire—France and Austria were at the time occupied by their own insurrections—it chose not to. Instead, Emperor Nicholas committed his troops to the defence of Austria, hoping to establish goodwill to allow him to seize Ottoman possessions in Europe later.

After the Austrian Revolution was suppressed, an Austro-Russian war against the Ottoman Empire seemed imminent. The Emperors of both Austria and Russia demanded that the Sultan return Austrian rebels who had sought asylum in the Empire, but he refused. The indignant monarchs withdrew their ambassadors to the Sublime Porte, threatening armed conflict. Almost immediately, however, Britain and France sent their fleets to protect the Ottoman Empire. The two Emperors, deeming military hostilities futile, withdrew their demands for the surrender of the fugitives. The short crisis created a closer relationship between Britain and France, which led to a joint war against Russia in the Crimean War of 1853-56.

A new conflict began during the 1850s with a religious dispute. Under treaties negotiated during the 18th century, France was the guardian of Roman Catholics in the Ottoman Empire, while Russia was the protector of Orthodox Christians. For several years, however, Catholic and Orthodox monks had disputed possession of the Church of the Nativity and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Palestine. During the early 1850s, the two sides made demands which the Sultan could not possibly satisfy simultaneously. In 1853, the Sultan adjudicated in favour of the French, despite the vehement protestations of the local Orthodox monks.

Emperor Nicholas of Russia dispatched Prince Menshikov on a special mission to the Porte. By previous treaties, the Sultan was committed "to protect the Christian religion and its Churches", but Menshikov tried to negotiate a new treaty, under which Russia would be allowed to interfere whenever it deemed the Sultan's protection inadequate. At the same time, however, the British government sent Lord Stratford, who learnt of Menshikov's demands upon arriving. Through skillful diplomacy, Lord Stratford convinced the Sultan to reject the treaty, which compromised the independence of the Ottomans. Shortly after he learned of the failure of Menshikov's diplomacy, Nicholas marched into Moldavia and Wallachia (Ottoman principalities in which Russia was acknowledged as a special guardian of the Orthodox Church), with the pretext that the Sultan failed to resolve the issue of the Holy Places. Nicholas believed that the European powers would not object strongly to the annexation of a few neighbouring Ottoman provinces, especially given Russian involvement in suppressing the Revolutions of 1848.

Britain, seeking to maintain the security of the Ottoman Empire, sent a fleet to the Dardanelles, where it was joined by another fleet sent by France. Yet the European powers hoped for a diplomatic compromise. The representatives of the four neutral Great Powers—Britain, France, Austria and Prussia—met in Vienna, where they drafted a note which they hoped would be acceptable to both the Russians and the Ottomans. The note was approved by Nicolas but rejected by Sultan Abd-ul-Mejid I, who felt that the document's poor phrasing left it open to many interpretations. Britain, France and Austria were united in proposing amendments to mollify the Sultan, but their suggestions were ignored in the Court of Saint Petersburg. Britain and France set aside the idea of continuing negotiations, but Austria and Prussia held hope for diplomacy despite the rejection of the proposed amendments. The Sultan proceeded to war, his armies attacking the Russian army near the Danube. Nicholas responded by despatching warships, which destroyed the entire Ottoman fleet at Sinop on 30 November 1853, allowing Russia to land and supply its forces on the Ottoman shores fairly easily. The destruction of the Ottoman fleet and the threat of Russian expansion alarmed both Britain and France, who stepped forth in defence of the Ottoman Empire. In 1854, after Russia ignored an Anglo-French ultimatum to withdraw from the Danubian Principalities, Britain and France declared war.

Peace negotiations began in 1856 under the Emperor Nicholas I's successor, Alexander II. Under the ensuing Treaty of Paris, the "Four Points" plan proposed earlier was largely adhered to; most notably, Russia's special privileges relating to the Danubian Principalities were transferred to the Great Powers as a group. In addition, warships of all nations were perpetually excluded from the Black Sea, once the home to a Russian fleet (which had been destroyed during the war). The Emperor of Russia and the Sultan agreed not to establish any naval or military arsenal on that sea coast. The Black Sea clauses came at a tremendous disadvantage to Russia, for it greatly diminished the naval threat it posed to the Ottomans. Moreover, all the Great Powers pledged to respect the independence and territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire.

The Treaty of Paris stood until 1871, when France was crushed in the Franco-Prussian War. While Prussia and several other German states united into a powerful German Empire, Napoleon III was deposed in the formation of the French Third Republic. Napoleon had opposed Russia over the Eastern Question in order to gain the support of Britain. But the new French Republic did not oppose Russian interference in the Ottoman Empire because that did not significantly threaten French interests. Encouraged by the decision of France, and supported by the German minister Otto, Fürst von Bismarck, Russia denounced the Black Sea clauses of the treaty agreed to in 1856. As Britain alone could not enforce the clauses, Russia once again established a fleet in the Black Sea.

In 1875 the territory of Herzegovina rebelled against the Ottoman Sultan in the Province of Bosnia; soon after, Bulgaria rebelled as well. The Great Powers believed they should intervene to prevent a bloody war in the Balkans. The first to act were the members of the League of the Three Emperors (Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia), whose common attitude toward the Eastern Question was embodied in the Andrassy Note of 30 December 1875 (named for the Hungarian diplomat Julius, Count Andrassy). The note, seeking to avoid a widespread conflagration in Southeastern Europe, urged the Sultan to institute various reforms, including granting religious liberty to Christians. A joint commission of Christians and Muslims was to be established to ensure the enactment of appropriate reforms. With the approval of Britain and France, the note was submitted to the Sultan, and he agreed on 31 January 1876. But the Herzegovinian leaders rejected the proposal, pointing out that the Sultan had already failed in his promises of reforms.

Representatives of the Three Emperors met again in Berlin, where they approved the Berlin Memorandum (May 1876). To convince the Herzegovinians, the memorandum suggested that international representatives be allowed to oversee the institution of reforms in the rebelling provinces. But before the memorandum could be approved by the Porte, the Ottoman Empire was convulsed by internal strife, which led to the deposition of Sultan Abdul-Aziz (30 May 1876). The new Sultan, Murad V, was himself deposed three months later due to his mental instability, and Sultan Abdul Hamid II came to power (31 August 1876). In the meantime, the hardships of the Ottomans had increased; their treasury was empty, and they faced insurrections not only in Herzegovina and Bulgaria, but also in Serbia and Montenegro. Still, the Ottoman Empire managed to crush the insurgents in August 1876. The result incommoded Russia, which had planned to take possession of various Ottoman territories in Southeastern Europe in the course of the conflict.

After the uprisings were largely suppressed, however, rumours of Ottoman atrocities against the rebellious population shocked European sensibilities. Russia now intended to enter the conflict on the side of the rebels. Delegates of the Great Powers (who now numbered six due to the rise of Italy) assembled at the Constantinople Conference (23 December 1876 to 20 January 1877) to make another attempt for peace. However, the Sultan refused the December 1876 proposals to allow international representatives to oversee the reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 1877 the Great Powers again made proposals to the Ottoman Empire, which the Porte rejected (18 January 1877).

Russia declared war against the Ottoman Empire on 24 April 1877. The Russian chancellor Prince Gorchakov had effectively secured Austrian neutrality with the Reichstadt Agreement of July 1876, under which Ottoman territories captured in the course of the war would be partitioned between the Russian and Austria-Hungarian Empires, with the latter obtaining Bosnia and Herzegovina. Britain, though acutely aware of the Russian threat to its colonies in India, did not involve itself in the conflict. However, when Russia threatened to conquer Constantinople, British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli urged Austria and Germany to ally with him against this war-aim. Russia negotiated peace through the Treaty of San Stefano (3 March 1878), which stipulated independence to Romania, Serbia, and Montenegro, autonomy to Bulgaria, reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina; the ceding of Dobruja and parts of Armenia and a large indemnity to Russia. This would give Russia great influence in Southeastern Europe, as it could dominate the newly independent states. To reduce these advantages to Russia, the Great Powers (especially Britain), insisted on a thorough revision of the Treaty of San Stefano.

At the Congress of Berlin, the Treaty of Berlin of 13 July 1878 adjusted the boundaries of the new states in the Ottoman Empire's favour. Bulgaria was divided into two states (Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia), as it was feared that a single state would be susceptible

The Balkan Wars

First Balkan War

The First Balkan War began on 8 October 1912, when the four Balkan states of Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Montenegro, united as the Balkan League, attacked the Ottoman Empire. The Balkan states had achieved independence from the Ottoman Empire by the early 20th century, but large elements of their ethnic populations remained under Ottoman rule. The Balkan League was confident that a simultaneous declaration of war on the Ottoman Empire was necessary to protect their compatriots and expand their territories in the Balkan Peninsula. The Ottoman Empire was unable to respond effectively to the rising ethnic nationalism of its diverse peoples, and the Balkan states were able to overpower the empire, forcing it to surrender on 30 May 1913. As a result, the Ottoman Empire lost most of its European provinces, retaining control only of Eastern Thrace.

Second Balkan War

The Second Balkan War began on 16 June 1913, when Bulgaria, dissatisfied with its loss of Macedonia, attacked its former allies from the First Balkan War. Bulgaria faced attacks from Serbia, Greece, and Turkey, as well as an invasion from Romania from the north. The combined forces of Serbia and Greece, along with Romania's intact armies, were able to repel the Bulgarian offensive and counter-attack. The Second Balkan War ended with Bulgaria losing territory to all its enemies, as stipulated in the Treaty of Bucharest.

Aftermath

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