Austria-Hungary And Russia: A Complex Alliance

Austria-Hungary and Russia were not allies during the First World War. In fact, they were enemies.

In the years leading up to the war, Austria-Hungary and Russia were often at odds, especially in the Balkans. Both countries sought to expand their influence in the region, and this led to conflict.

In 1908, Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had previously been under Ottoman rule. This move angered Serbia, which also sought influence in the Balkans and had ambitions to gain access to the sea. Russia supported Serbia and sought to curb Austria-Hungary's expansion.

The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, on 28 June 1914, further heightened tensions in the region. Austria-Hungary blamed Serbia for the assassination and delivered an ultimatum with harsh demands. Serbia's ally, Russia, ordered a partial mobilisation of its armed forces in response.

Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia on 28 July 1914, and Russia declared war on Austria-Hungary on 6 August 1914. The two countries fought against each other on the Eastern Front during World War I.

The Austro-Hungarian alliance with Germany

A Surprising Alliance

The union of Austria-Hungary and Germany was surprising to many at the time. While the two nations shared the German language and similar cultures, they had often been divided, most notably during the Austro-Prussian War. Additionally, the Habsburg rulers in Austria-Hungary believed that Germany's promotion of nationalism would threaten their multinational empire.

Common Distrust of Russia

However, a common distrust of Russia brought the two empires together. In 1878, Russia's victory over the Ottoman Empire in the Russo-Turkish War outraged Austria-Hungary, as it gave Russia considerable influence in the Balkans, an area where the two nations were rivals. This led German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck to call an international conference, the Congress of Berlin, which ultimately reversed Russia's gains and provided Austria with compensation in the form of Bosnia. Despite Bismarck's attempts to remain neutral, Russo-German relations deteriorated following the conference, freeing Germany and Austria-Hungary to ally against Russia.

The Treaty

The treaty was signed on October 7, 1879, by the two empires, with both promising to support each other with their full military strength in the event of an attack by Russia. The treaty also stated that if one of the contracting parties was attacked by another power, the other party would remain neutral and not support the aggressor. The treaty was initially set to last for five years, but it could be renewed if the conditions were still deemed necessary.

The Triple Alliance

In 1882, Italy joined the alliance, forming the Triple Alliance, Europe's first formal alliance. Italy sought diplomatic support after losing out to France in the race to establish a colony in Tunisia. During World War I, Italy initially remained neutral but eventually joined the Entente powers, declaring war on Austria-Hungary and Germany. The Dual Alliance between Austria-Hungary and Germany persisted throughout World War I and ended with their defeat in 1918.

The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand

Princip was part of a group of six Bosnian assassins, five of whom were Bosnian Serbs and members of a student revolutionary group that later became known as Young Bosnia. The political objective of the assassination was to free Bosnia and Herzegovina from Austrian-Hungarian rule and establish a common South Slav ("Yugoslav") state. The assassination team was helped by the Black Hand, a Serbian secret nationalist group, with support from members of the Serbian military intelligence section.

The assassination precipitated the July Crisis, which ultimately led to Austria-Hungary declaring war on Serbia and the start of World War I. Within a month of the assassination, Germany, Russia, France, Belgium, Montenegro, and Great Britain had all been drawn into the conflict. Overall, more than 16 million people—soldiers and civilians—died in fighting that lasted until 1918.

The day of the assassination, June 28, holds historical significance in Serbia as Vidovdan, a feast day commemorating the 1389 Battle of Kosovo against the Ottomans. Princip and his accomplices were inspired by the Kosovo Myth and the heroism of Miloš Obilić, reenacting this heroic tale.

The consequences of the assassination extended beyond the initiation of World War I. Bosnia ceased to exist as a distinct entity within Yugoslavia, and Bosnian Muslims were not recognised as a people until 1968. The shots fired by Gavrilo Princip were seen by some as a fight for freedom from foreign occupiers. However, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniaks and Croats largely view Gavrilo Princip as a terrorist and ethnic Serb nationalist.

The ultimatum to Serbia

The July Ultimatum, delivered by Austria-Hungary to Serbia on 23 July 1914, was a pivotal moment in the lead-up to World War I. It came in the wake of the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, by Serb nationalists on 28 June 1914.

Austria-Hungary's response was formulated following a Ministerial Council Meeting on 7 July and presented to Belgrade on 23 July at 6 p.m., with a response demanded within two days. The ultimatum comprised a lengthy list of demands, based on the assumption that the Serbian government was complicit in the events at Sarajevo. While not directly accusing Serbia of the assassination, the Austro-Hungarian government blamed Serbia for "doing nothing to suppress" the subversive anti-Austro-Hungarian movement within its borders, which was responsible for acts of terrorism, assassination attempts, and murders.

The ultimatum included ten items, demanding that Serbia pledge to:

• Suppress all publications inciting hatred and contempt for the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and threatening its territorial integrity.
• Dissolve the "Narodna Odbrana" and confiscate its propaganda materials, as well as take similar action against other societies engaging in anti-Austro-Hungarian propaganda.
• Eliminate from public instruction in Serbia anything that serves to nurture propaganda against Austria-Hungary, including teaching materials and methods.
• Remove from military and administrative services all officers and officials guilty of propagating anti-Austro-Hungarian sentiments, with Austria-Hungary reserving the right to communicate their names and deeds.
• Agree to the collaboration of Austro-Hungarian representatives in Serbia to suppress the subversive movement threatening the Monarchy's integrity.
• Institute a judicial inquiry into the conspiracy of 28 June, with Austro-Hungarian delegates participating in the proceedings.
• Hasten the arrest of Major Vojislav Tankosić and Milan Ciganović, a Serbian official, who were implicated in the inquiry.
• Prevent the participation of Serbian authorities in the smuggling of weapons and explosives across the frontier, and punish those members of the Frontier Service who assisted the perpetrators of the Sarajevo crime.
• Provide explanations for the hostile statements made by high-ranking Serbian officials towards Austria-Hungary following the assassination.
• Notify Austria-Hungary without delay of the execution of the above measures.

The British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, remarked that he had "never before seen one State address to another independent State a document of so formidable a character." The Serbian government acquiesced to most of the demands but refused one or two minor clauses. Nonetheless, Austria-Hungary soon declared war, mobilising its army and setting off a chain reaction of alliances that would plunge Europe into war.

The Russian partial mobilisation

On the 21st of September 2022, Vladimir Putin announced a partial mobilisation of Russia's military reservists. This was in response to battlefield reverses and a shortage of military personnel in Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This was a significant escalation of the conflict and caught the world's attention.

Putin's announcement specified that only military reservists with specific military occupational specialties and corresponding experience would be called up. Before being sent to their units, those called up for active duty would undergo mandatory additional military training. This is a sensible step when militaries face personnel shortages and has been used by the United States many times in the past.

The Russian Minister of Defence, Sergei Shoigu, elaborated that the mobilisation would come in phases and include a deliberate training process. Students and workers in the defence industry would be exempt.

The Russian military has a very different structure to that of the United States. It is designed to defend the homeland against invasion, not to invade a neighbouring country. Therefore, units were typically at about 70% personnel strength and included a large number of conscripts who could not deploy outside of Russia. For a "special military operation" like the invasion of Ukraine, where mobilisation authorities were limited, there were not enough troops to deploy.

The timing of the Russian partial mobilisation was driven by recent Russian reverses on the battlefield. Russia's attacks in the Donbas region had gained some territory but at high cost, and the Ukrainian counteroffensive had begun. Russian forces were vulnerable, and the generals likely told Putin that they could not hold their gains without additional troops.

Putin did have other options besides partial mobilisation, including the use of nuclear weapons or negotiating a settlement. However, a negotiated settlement did not seem possible because the two sides were so far apart. Putin could not give up his conquests without endangering his regime, but Ukraine insisted that Russia evacuate all occupied territory, including Crimea.

The purpose of the Russian partial mobilisation was ultimately political rather than victory on the battlefield. It was unlikely that the Russian generals believed this mobilisation would shift the initiative and allow Russia to launch major attacks. Instead, the strategy was likely to hold on to what Russia had already captured and push the war into the winter, putting pressure on European populations and governments to demand an end to the war.

The wild card in the Russian partial mobilisation was political opposition within Russia. Domestic opposition arose at the beginning of the war, with anti-war demonstrations in many cities. The Russian government successfully suppressed these demonstrations, and the war seemed to be popular with the average Russian. However, mobilisation involved more Russian families in the war and induced fears among men that they might be called up. It remained to be seen whether this opposition would have an operational effect on the war.

Austria-Hungary and Russia: Historical Allies and Enemies

Austria-Hungary and Russia have a complex history of relations, sometimes as allies and sometimes as enemies.

During the 18th and 19th centuries, Russia and Austria-Hungary were often allies, particularly against the Ottoman Empire and France. They were allies during the War of the Polish Succession (1733-1738), the War of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748), the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), and the Russo-Turkish War (1787-1792). They also participated in the first and third Partitions of Poland.

However, the French Revolution created ideological solidarity between the absolutist monarchies of Russia and Austria-Hungary, and they fought against France during the French Revolutionary Wars and the Napoleonic Wars.

In the 19th century, Austria-Hungary worried that Russia was adopting a pan-Slavist policy designed to unite all Slavonic-speaking peoples under the Tsar's leadership. This led Austria-Hungary to pursue an anti-Slavic policy domestically and abroad, creating tension between the two empires.

From 1873 to 1887, Austria-Hungary and Russia were allies with the German Empire in the League of Three Emperors. However, the rivalry between Austria-Hungary and Russia in the Balkans led to the discontinuation of the league, and they became enemies.

In the years leading up to World War I, Austria-Hungary and Russia competed for influence in the Balkans, and this rivalry was a significant factor in the diplomatic alliances that led to the war.

After the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria by Serb nationalists, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia. This led to a wider conflict as Russia, which was allied with Serbia, went to war with Germany, the ally of Austria-Hungary. Russia and Austria-Hungary fought each other to the point of exhaustion on the Eastern Front, and the war ended with the overthrow of the monarchy in both countries and the dissolution of their empires.

The declaration of war on Serbia

On June 28, 1914, tensions culminated in the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir presumptive to the Austro-Hungarian throne, and his wife, Sophie, Duchess of Hohenberg, by Gavrilo Princip, a Bosnian Serb nationalist. This event set off a series of diplomatic and military escalations among the major powers of Europe, known as the July Crisis. Austria-Hungary, seeking to demonstrate its strength and dampen Serbian support for Yugoslav nationalism, which it saw as a threat to its multinational empire, decided to inflict a military blow on Serbia.

However, wary of Russia's support for Serbia, Austria-Hungary sought assurances from its ally, Germany. Germany provided its backing, urging Austria-Hungary to attack quickly to localise the war and avoid drawing in Russia. On July 23, 1914, Austria-Hungary presented Serbia with an ultimatum, demanding, among other things, the suppression of anti-Austrian propaganda and the right to conduct its own investigation into the Archduke's assassination on Serbian soil. Serbia accepted all but one of the demands, but Austria-Hungary was not satisfied and broke off diplomatic relations on July 25.

On July 28, 1914, one month after the assassination, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia. This declaration was made after reports of an unverified incident involving Habsburg and Serbian troops. The same day, Russia ordered a partial mobilisation of its armed forces in support of Serbia, and Germany advised Austria-Hungary to proceed with its plans. The following day, Austria-Hungarian artillery divisions initiated a brief bombardment of Belgrade across the Danube River.

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