Exploring Bolivia's Drug-Related Deaths: A Sobering Reality

Bolivia has a homicide rate of 63 murders per 1,000,000 people, with 686 reported homicides in 2016. However, the rate appears to be rising, with 8.9 homicides per 100,000 people in 2010, up from 6.5 in 2005. While Bolivia is not a major consumer of heroin, it is a transit country for heroin trafficking from Brazil, Paraguay and Peru. The country is also the world's third-largest cocaine producer, with almost half of the coca leaves being sold commercialized illegally or used for non-traditional purposes. Drug traffickers increasingly use Bolivia as a transit point for cocaine shipments due to the country's weak state control and strategic location. Mexican and Colombian cartels operate in the country, while Brazilian gangs control the traffic into Brazil and shipments to Europe.

Bolivia is also a transit country for arms trafficking, serving as a gateway for guns from the US to criminal organizations in Brazil and Paraguay. Transnational mafias use Bolivian territory to supply arms to their subsidiaries and allies in other countries, and local criminal groups also have access to these weapons.

Bolivia is a transit and destination country for people of multiple nationalities, with traffickers operating forced-labour and exploitation networks within the country and in neighbouring countries. Almost three-quarters of rescued victims fall into this category.

The country is also a transit location for people who want to leave Brazil and enter Peru on their way to North America, as well as for people who want to reach Argentina and Chile. Notable smuggling activity takes place on the border with Peru, with indigenous communities involved in the facilitation process.

Bolivia is not a major destination for human trafficking, but the COVID-19 pandemic and the Venezuelan migration crisis have increased the number of refugees who are vulnerable to it. Poor indigenous people in rural areas are the most affected.

Drug-related corruption

In the late 1980s, Bolivia's drug trade was dominated by the Medellín Cartel, which wielded considerable power in the country. Drug barons, organised into families, had established their own fiefdoms in Cochabamba, Beni, and Santa Cruz departments, using bribes and assassinations to destroy local authority. Drug-related corruption was also present in the Bolivian military and security services, with the UMOPAR in particular gaining a reputation for corruption, especially in the Chapare region.

In the 1990s, the Bolivian government restructured its antidrug institutions, but the country remained vulnerable to the influence of international trafficking organisations. In the 2000s, President Evo Morales maintained relations with the US government on counter-narcotics issues, and his administration's success in reducing coca cultivation led to a slight diplomatic thaw with the US. However, Morales also gave the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) three months to leave the country in 2008, accusing them of fomenting the drug trade.

In the 2010s, Bolivia became a hub for transnational organised crime, with Colombian and Brazilian groups establishing a permanent presence in the country. Colombian "oficinas de cobro" ("collection offices") were set up in Bolivia, and Brazilian groups based themselves along the border in the departments of Beni and Santa Cruz. The longer that Bolivia remains a drug production and transshipment nation, the more likely it is that Bolivian organised crime groups will evolve into sophisticated transnational organisations.

Coca cultivation

Coca, a tea-like shrub, has been cultivated in Bolivia for centuries. The coca plant is grown in the medium-altitude parts of the Bolivian Andes, primarily in the Yungas regions north and east of La Paz. Coca cultivation expanded substantially in the 1980s into the Chapare region of Cochabamba, and some production entered the international cocaine market.

In the 1980s, Bolivia's most lucrative crop was coca, supplying approximately 15% of the US cocaine market. Analysts believe that exports of coca paste or cocaine generated between US$600 million and US$1 billion annually in the 1980s. The Bolivian government estimated that coca production expanded from 1.63 million kilograms of leaves covering 4,100 hectares in 1977 to a minimum of 45 million kilograms over an area of at least 48,000 hectares in 1987. The number of growers increased from 7,600 to at least 40,000 over the same period.

The US-backed efforts to criminalize and eradicate coca outside the Yungas regions as part of the War on Drugs were met with resistance from the cocalero movement, which became an increasingly important political force during this period. Violence between drug police and the Bolivian armed forces, and the cocalero movement, occurred periodically between 1987 and 2003.

In 1983, Bolivia committed to a five-year program to reduce coca production and created the Coca Eradication Directorate under the Ministry of Agriculture, Campesino Affairs, and Livestock Affairs. Bolivia's National Directorate for the Control of Dangerous Substances was able to eradicate several thousand hectares of coca. However, these efforts had limited success and were highly controversial among peasants.

In 1988, coca growing became technically illegal outside a specially mandated 12,000-hectare area in the Yungas. A four-year government eradication campaign beginning in 1989 aimed to convert 55% of coca areas into legal crops, offering coffee and citrus fruits as alternative crops. However, these crops had a much lower return on investment and were harder to sell and transport.

Since 2004, the Bolivian government has implemented a policy of voluntary participation of farmers from all coca-growing regions. Farmers in Chapare, for example, are allowed to grow one cato (1,600 square meters) of coca per year. Any excess coca grown or any cultivation outside of approved coca-cultivation regions is subject to elimination. This strategy relies on coca growers' federations' ability to enforce the agreement, and penalties for violations can be severe, including land seizures. As a result of this policy, coca cultivation in Bolivia fell to 27,200 hectares in 2011 from 31,000 hectares in 2010, a 12% decrease.

In 2017, coca cultivation in Bolivia increased by 6% compared to 2016, with a total area under cultivation of 24,500 hectares. The regions of Yungas of La Paz, the Tropic of Cochabamba, and the North of La Paz represented 65%, 34%, and 1%, respectively, of the areas under cultivation.

In 2018, coca cultivation in Bolivia decreased by 6% compared to 2017, with a total cultivated surface of 23,100 hectares. The government of Bolivia reported an increase in rationalization and eradication activities, with 61% of these efforts taking place in the Tropics of Cochabamba.

The potential production of coca leaf in the country was estimated to be between 33,400 and 41,600 tons in 2018 and between 35,500 and 44,200 metric tons in 2017. The legal trading of coca leaf primarily takes place in the authorized markets of Villa Fátima in the Department of La Paz and Sacaba in the Department of Cochabamba.

Drug trafficking

The illicit narcotics trade has had several negative consequences for Bolivia, with trafficking and corruption being the most prominent. Drug trafficking has had a deleterious effect on the Bolivian economy, contributing to inflation and distorting labour markets. It has also led to an increase in drug abuse among Bolivian youth and the importation of Colombian-style drug violence, with the emergence of powerful drug barons and hired assassins.

In response to the growing drug trade, the Bolivian government has implemented various policies and programmes to reduce coca cultivation and counter drug trafficking. In 1983, Bolivia committed to a five-year programme to reduce coca production, creating the Coca Eradication Directorate under the Ministry of Agriculture, Campesino Affairs, and Livestock Affairs. In 1987, Bolivia and the US signed an agreement to eradicate 70% of Bolivia's coca fields, which included financial compensation for peasants. However, these efforts had limited success and were met with resistance from peasants who relied on coca cultivation for their livelihood.

In the late 1980s, Bolivia took more aggressive action against drug trafficking, with President Paz Estenssoro signing the 1988 Antinarcotics Law, which aimed to eradicate illicit coca production and penalise drug trafficking. This law provided for a mix of legal coca cultivation zones, transitional zones, and illegal zones, with strict penalties for drug traffickers and those involved in the illicit coca trade. Despite these efforts, drug trafficking continued to flourish, and Bolivia remained a significant grower and exporter of coca leaves.

In 2008, President Evo Morales expelled the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) from the country, accusing them of fomenting the drug trade. This decision, coupled with the intensification of counternarcotics efforts in Colombia, led to an increase in drug trafficking through Bolivia. Brazil and Argentina's emergence as robust drug consumption markets also contributed to Bolivia's importance as a supply platform.

To counter drug trafficking, Bolivia has collaborated with international organisations like the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) to develop alternative development programmes that provide legal economic opportunities for farmers and address poverty. These programmes focus on income generation, environmental protection, and sustainable natural resource management. Additionally, Bolivia has restructured its antidrug institutions and implemented policies that emphasise the voluntary participation of coca growers in reducing coca cultivation, with strict penalties for non-compliance.

Human rights abuses

The US has been heavily involved in Bolivia's war on drugs, with the US being the largest provider of counter-narcotics aid to the country. The US funds and equips Bolivia's special anti-narcotics police and has stationed a large number of Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) personnel in the country to train and guide them.

However, the US-backed anti-narcotics efforts in Bolivia have been criticised for human rights abuses. Here are some examples:

• Under Bolivia's anti-drug law, Law 1008, Bolivians charged with drug offences, no matter how minor, are imprisoned without the possibility of pre-trial release. If acquitted, they must remain in prison until the trial court's decision is reviewed by the Supreme Court, which can take years. During this time, prisoners are held in overcrowded and miserable prisons.
• In the Chapare region, where most of Bolivia's coca is grown and cocaine base is produced, anti-narcotics police have been accused of running roughshod over the population. They have been accused of barging into homes in the middle of the night, searching people and possessions at will, manhandling and beating residents, and stealing their goods and money. Arbitrary arrests and detentions are said to be routine.
• A number of Bolivians detained on drug trafficking charges have alleged torture by Bolivian law enforcement personnel and complicity by DEA agents in abusive interrogations. DEA personnel have acknowledged that they do not intervene to stop abuse.
• Impunity for abuses by the anti-narcotics police is common. Even complaints of serious human rights violations, including torture, are rarely investigated. Charges of human rights abuse by DEA agents often go unanswered.
• Bolivian and US public officials have been accused of making excuses for or attempting to justify human rights violations in the context of the drug war.

Drug-related violence

In the late 1980s, Bolivia saw an increase in drug-related violence with the rise of powerful drug cartels like the Medellín Cartel, which exerted control over the drug trade and employed hired assassins to enforce their dominance. This period witnessed a wave of killings, including the slaying of a Bolivian scientific team in 1986, which brought attention to the growing issue of drug-related violence in the country.

The cocaine industry had far-reaching negative consequences for Bolivia's economy, contributing to inflation and distorting labour markets. The high prices of coca leaves and the quick economic returns attracted farmers, leading to a surge in coca cultivation. This, in turn, impacted the output of fruits and coffee, which were primarily intended for local consumption.

Drug trafficking in Bolivia has been associated with corruption within the government, military, and security services, and the judiciary. The García Meza regime (1980-1981) stands out as a notable example of narcotics corruption, with the regime allegedly financed by the cocaine "mafia". The regime was characterised by violence and drug trafficking, leading to international isolation and the eventual resignation of Garcia Meza.

The United States has played a significant role in Bolivia's counter-narcotics efforts, providing funding, equipment, and training for the country's anti-narcotics police. However, the effectiveness of these efforts has been questioned, and human rights abuses by US-supported Bolivian counter-narcotics forces have been reported.

To address the issue of drug-related violence, Bolivia has implemented policies to reduce coca cultivation and promote alternative crops. The government has also restructured anti-drug institutions and worked towards improving the country's judicial system. Despite these efforts, drug-related violence remains a challenging issue in Bolivia, with powerful drug cartels and the ongoing presence of the cocaine industry.

Frequently asked questions