Austria's Claim On South Tyrol: A Historical Dispute

The province of South Tyrol, known as Alto Adige to Italians and Südtirol to Austrians, has been a source of tension between Italy and Austria for decades. The region was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire until the end of World War I when it was ceded to Italy. Since then, there has been a strong movement advocating for South Tyrol's secession from Italy and reunification with Austria. In 1992, Italy and Austria declared an end to their dispute over the province, with South Tyrol gaining autonomous status. However, the issue of national identity and citizenship continues to be a point of contention, with some South Tyroleans holding Austrian passports and others advocating for dual citizenship. While the idea of independence or reunification is supported by a significant portion of the population, it is not expected to lead to political change due to the comfortable status quo and the benefits of being part of Italy.

The South Tyrolean independence movement

The roots of the movement can be traced back to the Treaty of St. Germain in 1919, when Italy annexed the province of Trentino and the region on the south side of the Brenner Pass from Austria. This marked the beginning of a struggle over the rights of German-speaking people, who formed a majority in South Tyrol but a minority in Italy. German-speakers viewed their incorporation into Italy as an injustice, while Italian-speakers considered the Brenner Pass as the natural Italian border.

The rise of Benito Mussolini and Fascism in Italy in 1922 led to a policy of Italianisation, which aimed to eliminate the German language in speech, education, and everyday use. During World War II, Italy and Nazi Germany formed the Axis Powers, and under the South Tyrol Option Agreement, they agreed to compel South Tyrolese who resisted Italianisation to immigrate to the Greater Germanic Reich. While most immigrants returned after the war, these policies resulted in the permanent departure of 75,000 people.

Following World War II, the South Tyrolean Liberation Committee emerged as an early advocate for South Tyrol's removal from Italy, conducting bombings of Italian infrastructure and fascist monuments between the mid-1950s and 1961. In the 1980s, a far-right terrorist organisation called Ein Tirol emerged, following in the footsteps of its predecessor by executing explosive damage to various relics of Italian fascism and historic memorials.

Today, several political parties advocate for South Tyrol's secession, including South Tyrolean Freedom, Die Freiheitlichen, and Citizens' Union for South Tyrol. These parties hold seats in the South Tyrolean Provincial Council. Polls show that 54% of German or Ladin-speaking South Tyroleans would support secession from Italy, while 46% of the total population (including Italians) would encourage South Tyrol's secession.

The movement for South Tyrolean independence is driven by factors such as ethnolinguistic diversity, economic considerations, and historical tensions. South Tyrol is among the wealthiest provinces in Italy, and there is a desire to maintain this economic advantage and avoid being "dragged down" by the rest of Italy. Additionally, the protection of minority language speakers has been a historical justification for separatism, despite legal protections being in place.

The treatment of South Tyrol has been a source of strain in foreign relations between Italy and Austria. In the aftermath of World War II, the Austrian government expressed concern over the treatment of German and Ladin ethnic minorities in South Tyrol, leading to the signing of the Paris Treaty in 1946, which outlined a platform for South Tyrol's autonomy and minority protection. However, these changes were largely unimplemented, and Austria appealed to the United Nations in 1961. The dispute was formally closed in 1992 with the issuing of an autonomy package for South Tyrol.

While the movement for South Tyrolean independence has a significant level of support, there are also practical and legal challenges to its realisation. South Tyrol enjoys a high degree of autonomy within Italy, particularly in budget decisions, and seceding would mean losing economic advantages. Additionally, some South Tyroleans feel indifferent or ambivalent about the issue, recognising the complexities of their situation and the benefits of remaining within Italy.

The Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye

The treaty officially dissolved the Austro-Hungarian Empire, recognising the independence of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (later Yugoslavia). It also ceded eastern Galicia, Trento, southern Tyrol, Trieste, and Istria. Plebiscites were held to determine the disposition of southern Carinthia, which ultimately went to Austria, and the town of Sopron, which went to Hungary.

The treaty included the Covenant of the League of Nations, which meant it was not ratified by the United States, but was followed by the US-Austrian Peace Treaty of 1921. The treaty also forbade the union of Austria and Germany without the consent of the Council of the League of Nations. This clause was unpopular with many Austrians, who would later support the idea of Anschluss (political union) with Nazi Germany.

Italianisation and the rise of Benito Mussolini

Benito Mussolini was born in 1883 in Predappio, Italy, to a blacksmith father and a schoolteacher mother. He grew up on his socialist father's stories of nationalism and political heroism. As a young man, Mussolini moved to Switzerland and became a socialist. Eventually, he returned to Italy and established himself as a socialist journalist.

Mussolini's political beliefs took a turn to the right during World War I. Initially, Mussolini opposed the war effort, but he soon began advocating for Italy's intervention. He left his position at the socialist magazine Avanti! and founded his own newspaper, Il Popolo d'Italia, in which he unequivocally stated his new philosophy: "From today onward we are all Italians and nothing but Italians." This was the birth cry of fascism.

Mussolini began organizing fascist squads, or fasci di combattimento—nationalist paramilitary forces known for wearing black shirts. These groups began waging campaigns of terrorism and intimidation against Italy's leftist institutions. In 1919, Mussolini founded a paramilitary movement called the Italian Fasces of Combat, a successor to the Fasces of Revolutionary Action. This combat-focused squad aimed to mobilize war-hardened veterans who could return glory to Italy.

In 1922, Mussolini and other fascist leaders organized a march on Rome with the intention of forcing the king to yield the government to Mussolini. It worked, and Mussolini was appointed prime minister that same year. By 1925, Mussolini had dismantled Italy's democratic institutions and assumed his role as dictator, adopting the title Il Duce ("The Leader").

Mussolini's policies as dictator included the elimination of the German language in speech, education, and everyday use. Under the South Tyrol Option Agreement, Mussolini and Hitler agreed to compel South Tyrolese who resisted Italianization to immigrate into the Greater Germanic Reich. 86% of South Tyrolese complied with resettlement in territories controlled or occupied by Germany. While most of the immigrants returned after the war, these policies resulted in the permanent departure of 75,000 people.

The South Tyrolean Liberation Committee

The history of the South Tyrolean Liberation Committee can be divided into two stages. In the first phase, from 1956 until 1961, the activists focused on symbolic targets, such as relics of the fascist regime, trying to avoid causing physical injuries to people. On 12 June 1961, the BAS organised the bombing of 37 electricity pylons supplying power to the industrial zone of Bolzano, later known as the Night of Fire (Feuernacht).

After the subsequent imprisonment of almost all leading members, the organisation entered a second, more violent phase. This phase was characterised by an increasing infiltration of Austrian and German neo-Nazis and intensified secret service activities, which culminated in several assassinations and ambushes on Italian security forces. The most notorious attack during this period was the 1967 attack on a security patrol at Cima Vallona.

With the progression of negotiations concerning South Tyrolean autonomy in the late 1960s, the activities of the BAS became less frequent. The South Tyrolean Liberation Committee ceased its activities, but it was succeeded by other organisations, such as the far-right terrorist group Ein Tirol, which continued to carry out explosive attacks on relics of Italian fascism and historic memorials.

The distribution of Austrian citizenship to South Tyroleans

The Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) has proposed the introduction of dual citizenship for South Tyroleans. This would allow members of the German and Ladin-speaking ethnic groups in South Tyrol to acquire Austrian citizenship in addition to Italian citizenship. However, this proposal has been rejected by the other parliamentary groups.

The FPÖ's proposal aims to address the desires of a portion of South Tyroleans who wish to hold dual citizenship. According to a survey, 13% of South Tyroleans want dual citizenship. This proposal is particularly relevant to the German-speaking South Tyroleans, who constitute the majority of the region's population and have a strong Austrian orientation.

The Austrian Vice-Chancellor Heinz-Christian Strache, from the Freedom Party, has championed the idea of dual passports for South Tyroleans, stating that it would be a way of documenting an identity that they already feel. However, this idea has been met with opposition from Italy, with Italian politicians, including Interior Minister Matteo Salvini, expressing strong criticism. They view the initiative as an attempt to divide Italy along language lines and a potential attack on Italian sovereignty.

The proposal for dual citizenship in South Tyrol has also sparked mixed reactions within the region. While some regional politicians in South Tyrol welcomed the idea, others, including South Tyrol's Governor Arno Kompatscher, preferred European citizenship over dual citizenship. Additionally, concerns were raised about the potential impact on the region's autonomy and the complex interplay of national identity, autonomy, and citizenship within the European Union context.

The discussion highlights the complex views on national identity and autonomy, with the FPÖ advocating for dual citizenship, while other parties emphasize the importance of European integration and cooperation. The rejection of the proposal indicates a tendency towards a Europe of regions and collaboration rather than an expansion of national citizenships.

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