Angola's Mound Tragedy: What Happened?

Angola, officially the Republic of Angola, is a country in west-central Southern Africa. It is the seventh-largest country in Africa and the second-largest Lusophone (Portuguese-speaking) country in the world. Angola has vast mineral and petroleum reserves, and its economy is among the fastest-growing in the world.

On 22 February 2002, government troops killed Jonas Savimbi, the leader of the Angolan Unita rebel group. Savimbi's death brought an end to one of Africa's longest civil wars, which began in 1975, the same year Angola achieved independence from Portugal. The civil war lasted 27 years and caused the deaths of at least 500,000 people.

The Angolan Civil War (1975-2002)

The MPLA and UNITA had different roots in Angolan society and incompatible leaderships, despite sharing the aim of ending colonial rule. The MPLA was largely composed of Mbundu people and was based in the capital, Luanda. On the other hand, UNITA, an offshoot of the FNLA, was mainly composed of Ovimbundu people, Angola's largest ethnic group, from the Bié Plateau.

The war can be divided into three periods of major fighting: from 1975 to 1991, 1992 to 1994, and from 1998 to 2002, with fragile periods of peace in between. The conflict was notable due to the combination of Angola's violent internal dynamics and the high degree of foreign military and political involvement. It is widely considered a Cold War proxy conflict, with the Soviet Union and the United States, along with their respective allies Cuba and South Africa, assisting the opposing factions.

The war resulted in devastating consequences for Angola. By the time the MPLA achieved victory in 2002, between 500,000 and 800,000 people had died, and over one million had been internally displaced. The war also severely damaged Angola's infrastructure, public administration, economy, and religious institutions. Land mines continue to litter the countryside, contributing to ongoing civilian casualties.

The MPLA, UNITA and FNLA

The MPLA, UNITA, and FNLA were the three predominant liberation movements vying for power in Angola after it gained independence from Portugal in 1975.

The People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) was formed in 1956 as an offshoot of the Angolan Communist Party. It was supported by the Ambundu people, the intelligentsia of Luanda, and other African countries, Cuba, and the Soviet Union. The MPLA fought against the Portuguese Army in the Angolan War of Independence and later in the Angolan Civil War, which began immediately after Angola's independence.

The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) was established in 1966 by Jonas Savimbi, a former leader of the FNLA. The Ovimbundu people formed the base of UNITA. UNITA was supported by the US, South Africa, and China.

The National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) was founded in 1962 and rooted among the Bakongo people. It was supported by the government of Zaire and China.

The power-sharing agreement between the three groups collapsed in 1975, leading to a civil war for control of the country. The MPLA, backed by Cuba and the Soviet Union, defeated the FNLA and UNITA in the civil war, and has ruled Angola since the country's independence.

The civil war lasted from 1975 to 2002, with interludes, and resulted in the deaths of between 500,000 and 800,000 people and the internal displacement of over 4 million. The war devastated Angola's infrastructure and severely damaged its economy, public administration, and religious institutions.

Cold War involvement

The Angolan Civil War, which lasted from 1975 to 2002, was a Cold War proxy conflict between the communist People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the anti-communist National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). The war began immediately after Angola became independent from Portugal in November 1975. The MPLA and UNITA were both anti-colonial guerrilla movements with different roots in Angolan society and incompatible leaderships. The MPLA was primarily an urban-based movement in Luanda, while UNITA was a rural group with support from Angola's largest ethnic group, the Ovimbundu.

The Cold War involvement in the Angolan Civil War was significant, with the Soviet Union and the United States supporting opposing factions. The Soviet Union provided military training and equipment to the MPLA, while the United States supplied aid and training to UNITA and the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA). Cuba also played a crucial role, sending thousands of troops to support the MPLA. This intervention proved decisive in the conflict, as Cuban forces were able to repel the South African-backed UNITA advance and secure Luanda for the MPLA.

The Angolan Civil War was a major Cold War flashpoint, with global powers vying for control and influence in the region. The conflict was closely intertwined with the Second Congo War in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo and the South African Border War. The war resulted in devastating consequences for Angola, with hundreds of thousands of deaths, widespread displacement, and severe damage to infrastructure and public administration.

The Battle of Quifangondo

The battle was between the People's Armed Forces of Liberation of Angola (FAPLA), the armed wing of the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), and the National Liberation Army of Angola (ELNA), the armed wing of the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA). The FAPLA was bolstered by a contingent of Cuban military advisers and technicians, while the ELNA was supported by Zairean and South African forces.

The ELNA, led by Holden Roberto, had been advancing southwards towards Luanda, aiming to capture the city before Angola's independence from Portugal, which was to be proclaimed on 11 November 1975. The FAPLA, under Agostinho Neto, had established defensive positions around Quifangondo, which was located on the road to Luanda.

On the eve of the battle, Cuba launched Operation Carlota, sending in special forces to man six BM-21 multiple rocket launchers supplied by the Soviet Union. South Africa also provided support to the ELNA, including three World War II-era howitzers positioned on high ground near Quifangondo, as well as an air strike by Canberra bombers.

The battle began on the morning of 10 November, with the ELNA advancing in a single line along the Bengo River towards the FAPLA defenders. The FAPLA forces waited until the entire attacking force was within a predetermined kill zone and then opened fire with mortars and rockets, destroying most of the ELNA's vehicles and inflicting heavy casualties. The South African guns were outranged and unable to provide effective support. The ELNA infantry broke and fled, with many seeking cover in the adjacent swampy terrain.

The defeat at Quifangondo was a significant blow to the ELNA and the FNLA, dashing their hopes of capturing Luanda and consolidating their power. The FAPLA, with continued Cuban support, went on to destroy most of the ELNA forces in the following weeks. The battle marked the last serious attempt by ELNA forces to seize Luanda and had enormous strategic implications for the course of the Angolan Civil War.

The Luena Memorandum of Understanding

• Definitive resolution of the armed conflict.
• Formation of the Angolan Armed Forces as envisioned in the Lusaka Protocol.
• Amnesty for UNITA and the Angolan Armed Forces, approved unanimously by parliament.
• Integration of UNITA military forces into the Angolan Armed Forces and National Police.
• A Joint Military Commission (CMM) with observer status for the UN and the Troika.
• A technical group consisting of military experts from both sides, as well as UN and Troika representatives.

The Luena Memorandum was the result of discreet contacts between the warring parties following the death of UNITA's leader, Jonas Savimbi, on February 22, 2002. While the agreement succeeded in ending the war, it has been criticised for being a government-driven initiative that excluded all social and political groups outside the government and UNITA leadership, potentially hindering genuine democratisation, reconciliation, and reconstruction.

Frequently asked questions