On the 28th of June 1914, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the throne of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was assassinated. The following month, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia, effectively beginning the First World War.
Austria-Hungary had sought to inflict a military blow on Serbia, to demonstrate its own strength and to dampen Serbian support for Yugoslav nationalism, which it viewed as a threat to the unity of its multi-national empire. However, wary of the reaction of Russia (a major supporter of Serbia), Austria-Hungary sought a guarantee from its ally, Germany, that Berlin would support Austria in any conflict. Germany guaranteed its support, but urged Austria-Hungary to attack quickly to localise the war and avoid drawing in Russia.
On the 23rd of July, Austria-Hungary made its ultimatum to Serbia. Before Serbia replied, Russia ordered a secret, but noticed, partial mobilisation of its armed forces. Though Russia's military leadership knew they were not yet strong enough for a general war, they believed that the Austro-Hungarian grievance against Serbia was a pretext orchestrated by Germany, and considered a forceful response to be the best course of action. Russia’s partial mobilisation increased the willingness of Serbia to defy the threat of an Austro-Hungarian attack.
Characteristics | Values |
---|---|
Date of Austria-Hungary's declaration of war on Serbia | 28th July 1914 |
Reason for declaration of war | Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife by a Serbian nationalist |
Austria-Hungary's actions before declaring war | Issued an ultimatum to Serbia on 23rd July 1914 |
Serbia's response to the ultimatum | Serbia effectively accepted all of Austria's demands except for one |
Austria-Hungary's actions after Serbia's response | Broke diplomatic relations with Serbia on 25th July 1914 |
Russia's response to Austria-Hungary's actions | Russia began its own initial steps towards military mobilisation against Austria |
What You'll Learn
- Russia ordered a secret mobilisation of its armed forces
- Austria-Hungary presented Serbia with an ultimatum
- Russia's partial mobilisation increased the willingness of Serbia to defy an attack
- Germany supported Austria-Hungary with a blank cheque
- Russia formally ordered mobilisation in four military districts facing Galicia
Russia ordered a secret mobilisation of its armed forces
On 23 July 1914, Austria-Hungary presented Serbia with an ultimatum, to which Serbia effectively accepted all demands except one. Despite this, Austria-Hungary broke off diplomatic relations with Serbia on 25 July and continued with military preparedness measures.
On the same day, Russia, a supporter of Serbia, ordered a secret but noticed partial mobilisation of its armed forces. Russia's military leadership knew they were not yet strong enough for a general war, but they believed that the Austro-Hungarian grievance against Serbia was a pretext orchestrated by Germany. They considered a forceful response to be the best course of action.
Russia's partial mobilisation was the first major military action not undertaken by a direct participant in the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia. It increased the willingness of Serbia to defy the threat of an Austro-Hungarian attack and alarmed the German leadership, who had not anticipated the idea of needing to fight Russia before France.
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Austria-Hungary presented Serbia with an ultimatum
On the 23rd of July 1914, nearly a month after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife by a Serbian nationalist, Austria-Hungary presented Serbia with an ultimatum. This ultimatum was delivered by Baron Giesl von Gieslingen, ambassador of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to Serbia, to the Serbian foreign ministry.
The ultimatum was formulated with six points, all of which were designed to be unacceptable to Serbia. These points included demands that the Serbian government officially distance itself from the political campaign to unite the southern Slav peoples under Serbian leadership, which challenged the territorial integrity of Austria-Hungary. Additionally, Serbia was required to purge its army and civil service of anti-Austrian agitators and suppress anti-Austrian propaganda in the Serbian press.
One of the most contentious points of the ultimatum was the demand that Austrian officials be allowed to participate in the investigation of the assassination and the prosecution of the ringleaders on Serbian territory, which would infringe upon Serbia's state sovereignty.
Serbia was given 48 hours to respond to the ultimatum, and the consequences of non-compliance were made clear: the breaking off of diplomatic relations. While the ultimatum did not explicitly threaten war, it was understood that this would be the likely next step.
Serbia's response to the ultimatum was delivered just before the deadline by Serbian Prime Minister Nicola Pasic. Serbia accepted all terms of the ultimatum except one: it refused to allow Austria-Hungary to participate in any internal inquiry, citing this as a violation of its constitution and criminal procedure. This response gained Serbia the sympathy of international observers, but it made little difference to Austria-Hungary, which broke diplomatic relations and, three days later, declared war on Serbia, thus beginning World War I.
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Russia's partial mobilisation increased the willingness of Serbia to defy an attack
Russia's partial mobilisation was the first major military action not undertaken by a direct participant in the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia. Russia's partial mobilisation increased the willingness of Serbia to defy an attack from Austria-Hungary. This was because Serbia was a Russian ally, and Russia's partial mobilisation demonstrated to Serbia that they had the support of a powerful military force.
Russia's partial mobilisation was ordered by Tsar Nicholas II on 25 July 1914, and was a response to Austria-Hungary's ultimatum to Serbia on 23 July. The partial mobilisation was a secret order, but it was noticed by Austria-Hungary. The partial mobilisation was a response to the threat of an Austro-Hungarian attack on Serbia, and was also a show of support for Serbia. It was not a full mobilisation because Russia's military leadership knew they were not yet strong enough for a general war.
Russia's partial mobilisation was a significant moment in the July Crisis, a series of interrelated diplomatic and military escalations among the major powers of Europe in the summer of 1914, which led to the outbreak of World War I. The partial mobilisation alarmed the German leadership, who had not anticipated the idea of needing to fight Russia before France. It also caused consternation in the German government, who had been attempting to ensure British neutrality.
On 28 July 1914, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia. This was one month after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria and his wife by a Serbian nationalist in Sarajevo. The assassination of Franz Ferdinand was the catalyst for the July Crisis, but the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia was also influenced by a complex web of alliances, and the miscalculations of numerous political and military leaders.
Russia's partial mobilisation was followed by a full mobilisation on 30 July 1914. This was a response to the German ultimatum demanding that Russia demobilise within twelve hours. When Russia did not comply, Germany declared war on Russia on 1 August 1914.
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Germany supported Austria-Hungary with a blank cheque
On July 5, 1914, Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany pledged his country's unconditional support for whatever action Austria-Hungary chose to take against Serbia. This pledge, known as the "blank cheque", was a decisive moment in the chain of events leading up to World War I.
The "blank cheque" assurance was given in response to a request from Austria-Hungary, which sought to inflict a military blow on Serbia following the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand by a Serbian nationalist. Austria-Hungary, wary of the reaction of Russia (a major supporter of Serbia), wanted a guarantee of support from Germany before taking any action.
The "blank cheque" pledge was made by Kaiser Wilhelm II during a lunch meeting with Count Ladislaus Szogyeny-Marich, the Austro-Hungarian ambassador to Germany, on July 5, 1914. Wilhelm felt a sense of personal loss following the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, with whom he had met just two weeks prior to discuss the situation in the Balkans.
During the lunch meeting, Wilhelm told Szogyeny-Marich that he understood the need for "severe measures" against Serbia and that he did not doubt that the German Chancellor, Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, would agree. This was later confirmed by Arthur Zimmermann, the German Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs, in a separate meeting with Count Alexander von Hoyos, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister's chief of staff.
That evening, Wilhelm met with Bethmann Hollweg, Zimmermann, and Chief of the General Staff Helmuth von Moltke, and informed them of his tentative promise of support. Bethmann Hollweg and the others endorsed the decision. On July 6, Bethmann Hollweg repeated the promise of Germany's "blank cheque" commitment to Szogyeny-Marich.
Germany's "blank cheque" assurance to Austria-Hungary was an act of negligence, as it failed to address important details such as the timing of subsequent moves. Germany expected Austria-Hungary to take swift action against Serbia, but what they got instead were classic Austrian traits of indecision, prevarication, and delay.
Austria-Hungary's indecision and delay gave Russia, France, and Britain more time to confer and work out a coordinated response, increasing the likelihood of a wider war. Despite the "blank cheque" assurance, the outbreak of World War I could have potentially been avoided if Austria-Hungary had acted more swiftly and decisively in its actions against Serbia.
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Russia formally ordered mobilisation in four military districts facing Galicia
On 28 July 1914, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia, effectively beginning the First World War. In response, Russia, Serbia's mighty supporter in the Balkans, formally ordered mobilisation in four military districts facing Galicia, its common front with the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
The four military districts in Russia serve as administrative divisions for the Russian Armed Forces. Each has a headquarters administering the military formations within the Russian federal subjects that it includes.
The mobilisation of troops in the four military districts facing Galicia was part of Russia's initial steps towards military mobilisation against Austria-Hungary. Russia's military leadership knew that they were not yet strong enough for a general war, but they believed that Austria-Hungary's grievance against Serbia was a pretext orchestrated by Germany.
The Russian headquarters of the Southwestern Front planned to attack the Austro-Hungarian forces in Galicia, defeat them and prevent their retreat to the south, behind the Dniester River and to the west toward Krakow. The Battle of Galicia, one of the largest battles of World War I, began on 5-6 August 1914 and involved around 2 million troops from both sides.
The Russian offensive in Galicia was successful, and the victory eliminated German successes achieved in the East Prussian offensive. It also diverted considerable forces of Austria-Hungary from Serbia and prevented them from standing firm over the entire Eastern Front.
The mobilisation in the four military districts facing Galicia was a significant move by Russia in its conflict with Austria-Hungary, which eventually led to a general European war.
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Frequently asked questions
Russia ordered a secret, partial mobilisation of its armed forces. This was the first major military action not undertaken by a direct participant in the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia.
Russia was a major supporter of Serbia and was wary of Austria-Hungary's military blow on Serbia. Russia's military leadership knew they were not yet strong enough for a general war but believed that the Austro-Hungarian grievance against Serbia was a pretext orchestrated by Germany. They considered a forceful response to be the best course of action.
Russia's partial mobilisation increased the willingness of Serbia to defy the threat of an Austro-Hungarian attack. It also alarmed the German leadership, who had not anticipated the idea of needing to fight Russia before France.