Austria's Fascist Future: Is History Repeating Itself?

is austria becoming fascist

Austria has a history of flirting with fascism. In the 1930s, Engelbert Dollfuss, the chancellor of Austria, dissolved parliament and replaced the democratic system with a fascist dictatorship. He banned competing parties, established internment camps for political opponents, and took control of the education system. In recent years, the country has seen a surge in support for far-right parties, with the Freedom Party of Austria receiving the highest number of votes in the 2024 election. The party has loose connections to Nazism and promotes authoritarian leadership, nationalism, and closed borders. While Austria is currently a democratic republic, with laws emanating from the people, the question of whether it is becoming fascist is a complex and ongoing debate.

Characteristics Values
Parliamentary democracy Suspended in 1933
Federal Republic Comprised of nine independent federal states
Political System Parliamentary Democracy
Federal Constitution Passed by the Constituent National Assembly on October 1, 1920
Constitutional Transition Act Passed by the Provisional State Government on May 1, 1945
Independence Declared on April 27, 1945
Anti-fascist parties Socialist Party of Austria, Christian Social Party, Communist Party of Austria
Fascist parties Fatherland Front, Freedom Party of Austria
Fascist leaders Engelbert Dollfuss, Kurt von Schuschnigg, Herbert Kickl
Fascist ideologies Authoritarianism, nationalism, anti-immigration
Recent far-right surge Freedom Party of Austria received the highest vote in the latest election

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The Freedom Party's popularity

The Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) is a right-wing populist, national-conservative, and soft eurosceptic political party. In the 2024 Austrian legislative elections, the party won 29.2% of the vote, placing first and achieving its best result in the party's history. The party is currently led by Herbert Kickl, who assumed leadership in 2021.

The popularity of the Freedom Party can be attributed to several factors. Firstly, the party has effectively instrumentalised voters' anxiety by adopting simplistic slogans and scapegoating foreigners. This has resonated with Austrians who are concerned about the impacts of globalisation, such as financial crises and migration. Secondly, the party has benefited from the decline of Austria's traditional catch-all parties, the Social Democrats and Christian Democrats, who have lost support due to their failure to address the needs of sectors in dire need of structural reform. Additionally, these centrist parties have appropriated Freedom Party demands and rhetoric, further bolstering the Freedom Party's popularity.

Another factor contributing to the Freedom Party's popularity is Austria's historical context. The country has a legacy of Austrofascism, which has influenced the present political landscape. The failure to thoroughly confront and disavow this period has allowed fascist ideas and attitudes to persist, finding expression in the Freedom Party's ideology. Furthermore, the Austrian constitution has been frequently violated, fostering a scepticism towards democracy among Austrians.

In conclusion, the Freedom Party's popularity in Austria is a complex phenomenon influenced by various factors, including the party's effective exploitation of voters' anxieties, the decline of traditional centrist parties, Austria's historical context, and the party's ability to position itself as a credible alternative. While the party's far-right agenda is concerning to many, its popularity underscores the need for comprehensive solutions to address the underlying issues driving its support.

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Austria's Austrofascist heritage

Austria's "Austrofascist" heritage refers to the country's version of fascism, created in 1933, five years before its annexation by Nazi Germany.

In 1933, Austrian chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss dissolved the parliament and replaced the democratic system with a fascist corporate dictatorship. Supported by the Catholic Church and the Union of Austrian fraternities, the new regime eliminated the constitutional court, banned competing parties, established internment camps for political opponents, took control of the education system, and reinstituted capital punishment for a range of offences, including civil unrest and rioting.

Dollfuss established the Fatherland Front (Austrian German: Vaterländische Front, VF) as the only legally permitted party in the country. It was organised along the lines of Italian Fascism, fully aligned with the Catholic Church, and did not advocate any racial ideology. The Fatherland Front aimed to unite all Austrians, overcoming political and social divisions. However, it only enjoyed the support of certain parts of society, including the Catholic Church, the Austrian bureaucracy and military, most of the rural population, some loyalists to the Habsburg dynasty, and a significant part of the large Jewish community of Vienna.

The Fatherland Front established an authoritarian and corporatist regime, the Federal State of Austria, commonly known as the "corporate state" or "Ständestaat". The regime was led by conservative, nationalist, corporatist, and clerical fascists, and was based on a mix of Italian Fascism and conservative Catholic influences. The Federal State of Austria glorified the country's history, elevating the Habsburg Monarchy as a time of greatness and emphasising the role of the Catholic Church in defining Austrian history and identity.

The path to dictatorship was completed on 1 May 1934, when the Constitution of Austria was recast into an authoritarian and corporatist document. Direct parliamentary elections were abolished, and governing power was consolidated in the hands of Dollfuss. He ruled under what amounted to martial law until his assassination on 25 July 1934 during the Nazi July Putsch.

After World War II, there was never any serious reappraisal of Austrofascism. Instead, Austria's homemade fascist leader, Dollfuss, was romanticised as a resistance fighter who stood up to Hitler and was ultimately assassinated by Austrian Nazis. According to the writer Robert Menasse, this Austrofascist heritage has increasingly resurfaced in recent years, as many Austrians have turned to the far-right Freedom Party in response to fears of being left behind by globalisation and other disruptive forces.

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The country's flawed constitution

Austria's constitution has been violated consistently since the foundation of the Austrian republic. The constitution states that laws are made by the parliament, but in reality, most laws are made by social partners who meet and negotiate behind closed doors. When these laws reach parliament, their approval is a mere formality.

The government has also frequently implemented laws that do not comply with the constitution by declaring them 'constitutional laws' with a two-thirds majority in parliament. This has been made easier by the fact that Austria has largely been governed by grand coalitions. As a result, laws that contradict basic constitutional principles have become part of the constitution and are therefore outside the jurisdiction of the constitutional court.

The constant violation of the constitution has led to a strange understanding of democracy in Austria. While the country is technically a democratic republic, with all laws emanating from the people, the parliament is seen as irrelevant, and democracy is understood as increasing wealth.

The flawed constitution has also allowed for fascism to gain a foothold in the country. For example, the constitution grants the president significant powers, including the ability to dismiss the government, dissolve the parliament, and govern by emergency decree. While previous presidents have interpreted the role as largely ceremonial, a far-right president could use these powers to implement authoritarian policies.

In addition, the constitution has been replaced by what is referred to as the 'Actual Constitution', which further undermines the country's democratic principles.

The Austrian writer Robert Menasse identifies the country's flawed constitution as one of three specifically Austrian factors that have aided the Freedom Party's instrumentalisation of voters' anxiety and facilitated the country's flirt with fascism.

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The rise of Jörg Haider

Jörg Haider was an Austrian politician, leader of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), and later Chairman of the Alliance for the Future of Austria (BZÖ), a breakaway party from the FPÖ. Haider was a controversial figure, known for his nationalist, anti-immigration, and anti-EU views. He has been accused of holding Nazi sympathies and making antisemitic statements.

Haider was born in 1950 in the Upper Austrian town of Bad Goisern. His parents were early members of the Austrian Nazi Party, and his father remained a member even after the party was banned in Austria. Haider attended high school in Bad Ischl, where he had his first contacts with nationalist organisations, such as the right-wing student group Burschenschaft Albia. After graduating with the highest distinction in 1968, he joined the Austrian Army and later studied Law and Political Science at the University of Vienna.

Haider's political career began in the 1970s with the FPÖ. In 1970, he became the leader of the FPÖ youth movement, and in 1972, at the age of 22, he was already a well-established leader. He quickly rose through the party ranks, becoming the party affairs manager of the Carinthian FPÖ in 1976 and the youngest delegate among the 183 members of parliament in 1979.

In 1983, Haider's policies became more aggressive when he rose to party head of the Carinthian FPÖ. He criticised the leaders of the FPÖ, which at the time was still a minor political movement in Austria. The decisive point of his career came in 1986 when he defeated Austrian Vice Chancellor Norbert Steger in the vote for party leadership. Haider represented the pan-German nationalist wing of the party, opposed to the classical liberal wing led by Steger.

In 1989, the FPÖ formed a coalition with the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) in the province of Carinthia, and Haider was elected Landeshauptmann (governor) of Carinthia. However, he had to resign in 1991 due to controversial remarks comparing the Austrian government to the Third Reich. Despite this, Haider's support in Carinthia remained strong, and he was re-elected governor in 1999.

Under Haider's leadership, the FPÖ moved further to the right. From 1986 to 1999, the party's share in elections rose from 5% to almost 27%. Haider relied on populism to advance his interests and was able to unite the scattered, divided extreme-right in Austria behind him. He became known for his simple slogans and his ability to exploit issues where he saw the general public perceived injustice or the self-interest of big party politics.

In 2000, Haider's Freedom Party unexpectedly came in second in the parliamentary elections. However, due to his controversial reputation, he stepped aside in favour of ÖVP leader Wolfgang Schüssel. The coalition caused outrage both in Austria and Europe, with other EU members ceasing cooperation with the Austrian government. Haider faced criticism for his anti-immigrant remarks, including from Austrian-American politician Arnold Schwarzenegger, who stated that "someone who makes statements like Haider's has no place in government."

In 2005, internal strife within the FPÖ led Haider to create a new party, the BZÖ, which he led until his death in a car accident in 2008. Despite his controversial statements and policies, Haider remained a charismatic and influential figure in Austrian politics, leaving a lasting impact on the country's political landscape.

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The Austrian Civil War

The conflict was sparked by the government's attempts to enforce a ban on the Schutzbund, the paramilitary arm of the Social Democratic Party, by searching for weapon deposits at the Hotel Schiff in Linz, a property belonging to the Social Democratic Party. On 12 February, at around 6 am, 20 police officers attempted to raid the hotel. Members of the Schutzbund responded by shooting at them. By noon, the Federal Army had stormed the hotel, and the skirmishes spread to other industrial areas, including Steyr and Bruck an der Mur, and eventually to Vienna.

The Schutzbund was poorly equipped and manned, and they stood no chance against the combined forces of the army, police, and the Heimwehr, a paramilitary formation of the Christian Social Party. The Austrian armed forces, which had remained independent, also entered the conflict on the side of the government. The government forces used artillery, shelling the city council housing estates occupied by members of the Schutzbund. The fighting ended in Vienna and Upper Austria by 13 February, but it continued in Styrian cities until 14 February. By 15 February 1934, the Austrian Civil War had ended with the defeat of the Schutzbund.

The death toll and the exact number of people killed in the conflict remain unknown. However, the conflict resulted in a high death toll among Austria's democratic forces. In Vienna alone, the Schutzbund lost around 1,000 members, while about 120 police officers were killed and 400 more injured. After the conflict, martial law was proclaimed, and nine Schutzbund leaders were executed, with approximately 10,000 people incarcerated.

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