Sectarian Divisions In Bahrain: Exploring Expression And Impact

Bahrain is a small Gulf state with a population of around 1.2 million, 70% of whom are Shia Muslims and 30% Sunni Muslims. The ruling Al-Khalifa monarchy is Sunni, and the country has a long history of sectarian divisions, which have been exacerbated by the government's divide and rule tactics. While the country's politics have long been characterised by robust opposition to government policy, with a well-established tradition of public protest, the government has sought to prevent the emergence of cross-sectarian opposition movements by pursuing a strategy of divide and rule. This has involved inflaming sectarian animosities, discriminating against Shia Muslims in politics and civic life, and promoting the narrative that Shia Muslims are determined to create an Iranian-style religious state. This has led to deep mistrust and fear between the two communities, with the situation deteriorating since the 2011 Arab Spring protests, which saw an escalation of sectarian rhetoric and the crackdown on moderate opposition groups.

The Bahraini government's divide and rule tactics

Bahrain is a small Gulf state with a unique demographic makeup. It is the only Gulf state with a Shia majority that is ruled by a Sunni minority. This has resulted in sectarian tensions that the Bahraini government has exploited to maintain its grip on power. The ruling Al-Khalifa monarchy has long pursued a strategy of divide and rule, stoking sectarian animosities to prevent nationalism from unifying cross-sectarian interests against unpopular government policies.

Discrimination and Marginalization:

The Bahraini government has actively discriminated against the Shia majority, marginalizing their influence in politics and civic life. This includes discrimination in education, employment, and the provision of government services. The government also engages in gerrymandering of electoral districts to dilute the Shia vote.

Inflaming Sectarian Fears:

The government has convinced the Sunni minority that the Shia majority is determined to create an Iranian-style religious state, playing on their fears of a Shia takeover. This has led to a deep mistrust and fear between the two communities, which the government uses to its advantage.

Crackdowns on Opposition:

The government has employed a carrot and stick approach, using force and repression to subdue opposition groups, followed by concessions to further divide sectarian or interest groups within the opposition. For example, after cracking down on protests, the government may offer symbolic concessions or engage in dialogue to placate certain groups.

Demonizing the Opposition:

The government often demonizes the Shia opposition as extremists or Iranian agents. It portrays Shia demands for equal rights as a threat to national security and accuses them of being influenced by Iran.

Divide and Conquer:

The government has sought to divide the opposition by playing different groups against each other. For example, it may tell one group to hate the Sunnis, while telling another group that the Shia are hopelessly backward. By creating distrust and animosity between the groups, the government ensures their only connection is through the royal family, thus maintaining its power.

Recruiting Sunnis for Security Forces:

The government has recruited Sunnis from other countries, such as Pakistan, Syria, and other Muslim countries, to fill the ranks of the security forces, further exacerbating sectarian tensions and creating a sense of "us vs. them."

Controlling Religious Discourse:

The government regulates the content of religious sermons and closely monitors clerics' adherence to a pledge of ethics created by the authorities. Shia clerics who deviate from this pledge may be subject to censure or removal by the government.

Naturalization of Sunnis:

The government has been accused of pursuing a controversial policy of "political naturalization", granting citizenship to non-Bahraini Sunnis to alter the demographic balance in the country and secure its rule.

These tactics have had a detrimental impact on Bahraini society, exacerbating divisions and entrenching political instability. The government's divide and rule strategy has contributed to a cycle of unrest and social tensions that threaten the country's long-term stability.

Discrimination against Shia in the workforce and government services

Bahrain's Shia community has long been subject to discrimination in the workforce and government services. Shia Muslims make up about 70% of Bahrain's population but hold less than 5% of positions in the security sector. This disparity is due to the Bahraini government's discriminatory hiring practices, which reserve high-ranking positions for Sunnis and restrict Shia Muslims to low-level or administrative roles.

The government has also been accused of promoting sectarianism within the security forces by distributing highly sectarian materials that include religious justifications for violence against Shia Muslims. Shia Muslims are further marginalised by the government's recruitment and naturalisation of large numbers of foreign Sunnis to fill security positions.

In addition to the security sector, Shia Muslims face discrimination in other areas of the workforce. For example, the government has dismissed or suspended Shia civil servants and employees of state-owned enterprises during periods of political unrest. The Shia community also suffers economically due to the thousands of Shia political prisoners and prisoners of conscience who are unable to support their families while in government custody.

Shia Muslims are underrepresented in the judiciary, holding only about 12% of positions. High-ranking judges are often members of the ruling family or non-nationals with renewable contracts, creating an incentive to make decisions favourable to the government.

Shia Muslims also face discrimination in government services. For instance, they have been denied the right to hold legal residency, travel abroad, buy houses, own land, start businesses, borrow loans, and send their children to public schools. They are also subject to deportation at any time.

Shia's perceived Iranian influence

The Bahraini government has long accused Iran of influencing the country's Shia population. In 2011, the Bahraini authorities claimed to have intercepted calls between radical members of the Bahraini opposition and IRGC personnel that discussed the transfer of weapons by sea from Iranian naval vessels. This, along with the widespread chaos and insecurity in the country, prompted the Bahraini government to call for the intervention of GCC forces.

Bahrain's largest opposition group, the Al Wefaq Islamic Society, has also been accused of having ties to Iran. The group's general secretary, Ali Salman, has denied considering the current Iranian government a model for Bahrain. However, Salman has acknowledged the influence of Tehran on the group, stating that Iran's mullahs influence its political and spiritual leadership.

Historically, there have been ties between Shia Muslims in Bahrain and Iran, which is just across the Gulf. Shia fundamentalists in Bahrain attempted a revolution in 1979 under the auspices of a front organisation, the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain. The revolution would have installed a Shia cleric in Iran, Hujjat al-Islam Hādī al-Mudarrisī, as the Supreme Leader of Bahrain with a theocratic government. The Bahraini government unofficially regarded the coup as Iran attempting to overthrow their Sunni government. Iran denied any involvement, saying that the revolutionaries were inspired by the Iranian revolution but had received no support from Iran.

In 2012, the Bahraini government reinstated its ambassador to Iran, nearly 18 months after relations between the two countries were strained following the 2011 protests. However, in 2015, Bahrain recalled its ambassador from Tehran and ordered the Iranian acting chargé d'affaires to leave the country, citing "continuing interference by Iran in the affairs of the kingdom."

In 2016, Bahrain again severed diplomatic ties with Iran, accusing it of interference in Saudi internal affairs after Saudi Arabia executed prominent Shia cleric Nimr al-Nimr.

In 2020, Bahrain's attempt to establish official ties with Israel prompted anger from the Iranian leadership, with many Iranian officials openly denouncing the deal and accusing Bahrain of working with Zionist groups.

Amidst public unrest across Iran related to the death of Mahsa Amini, the Iranian government has begun laying claims to Bahrain, denying Bahrain's right to exist.

Sunni fear of a Shia takeover

Bahrain is widely considered the only Gulf state with a Shia majority, ruled by a Sunni minority. The country's Shia majority has long complained of discrimination at the hands of the Khalifa rulers. Shia citizens have been marginalised in politics and civic life, with the government actively discriminating against them.

The Sunni fear of a Shia takeover has been stoked by the Bahraini government, which has convinced Sunnis that the Shia majority is determined to create an Iranian-style religious state. The Shia community's historical ties to Iran have been used to fuel this fear. The government has also recruited Sunni police from Pakistan, Syria, and other Muslim countries, further exacerbating tensions.

The Bahraini government's divide-and-rule tactics have been successful in preventing the country's interest groups from uniting in their demands for reform. By inflaming sectarian animosities, the government has been able to maintain its grip on power.

The Sunni community's fear of a Shia takeover has led to the emergence of Sunni activist movements and vigilante groups seeking to oppose Shia protesters. Some Sunnis have also condemned the government for not doing enough to crack down on Shia "traitors."

The sectarian divide in Bahrain has been further exacerbated by the involvement of foreign powers. The presence of Saudi and Emirati forces during the suppression of Shia protests in 2011 heightened tensions and deepened the rift between the Sunni and Shia communities.

While the Shia community in Bahrain seeks spiritual guidance from Ayatollahs in Najaf and Karbala, there are concerns that continued suppression of protests and resumption of violence could lead to Iranian intervention. Hints from Bahrain's leading Shia cleric, Hassan Mushaima, suggest possible Iranian retaliation if Saudi forces actively aid the Bahraini army against protesters.

The Sunni fear of a Shia takeover in Bahrain is deeply rooted and has been manipulated by the government to maintain power. This has resulted in a divided society, with both communities mistrustful of each other and the government.

Censorship of Shia religious doctrine in schools

Firstly, Shia sources have expressed dissatisfaction with the exclusion of Shia doctrine from Islamic studies in public schools, which they believe primarily focuses on Sunni Islam. This exclusion suggests a degree of censorship and reinforces the notion that Shia doctrine is not adequately represented in the curriculum.

Secondly, the Bahraini government exerts control over the content of religious sermons and closely monitors clerics' adherence to prescribed ethical guidelines. While there have been reports of Shia clerics being summoned for questioning related to their sermons' content, it is unclear whether this extends to the content of their teachings in educational institutions. However, the government's regulation of religious discourse indicates a level of influence over the interpretation and dissemination of religious doctrines, including in academic settings.

Additionally, the government's demolition of Shia mosques and the reported discrimination against Shia citizens in various sectors, such as education, employment, and access to scholarships, suggest a broader context of marginalization and inequality that may extend to the educational system. This marginalization could indirectly affect the representation and treatment of Shia doctrine in schools.

Furthermore, the mandatory nature of Islamic studies in public schools for Muslim students raises questions about the extent to which Shia students can opt out of instruction that may primarily focus on Sunni Islam. The lack of explicit information regarding this matter suggests a potential lack of religious accommodation for Shia students.

Lastly, the complex demographic composition of Bahrain, with a Shia majority and a Sunni ruling family, inherently influences the dynamics of religious representation in various spheres, including education. The government's efforts to alter the demographic balance by promoting Sunni immigration and granting citizenship to Sunnis may also have indirect implications for the representation of Shia doctrine in schools.

While there is no definitive evidence of direct censorship of Shia doctrine in schools, the broader context of sectarian tensions, government policies, and demographic dynamics suggest that Shia religious teachings may be implicitly marginalized or underrepresented in the educational curriculum.

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