Lyla Lindsey
There are various accounts of cannibalism among Australian Aboriginal people. However, the evidence is limited and contested. Some scholars argue that cannibalism was practised by a minority of Aboriginal groups, mostly associated with mortuary rites or as a last resort in times of hardship. Others claim that allegations of cannibalism were used to demonise Aboriginal people and justify the expropriation of their land. In addition to hunting and gathering native animal and plant foods, Aboriginal Australians have traditionally eaten bush tucker, which includes kangaroo, emu, witchetty grubs, crocodile, and various native fruits, seeds, and yams.
| Characteristics | Values |
|---|---|
| Practice of cannibalism | Limited to a minority of Aboriginal groups |
| Associated with mortuary rites or hardship | |
| Infants and children were victims | |
| Adults were rarely victims | |
| Adults were killed in battle and eaten for superstitious beliefs | |
| Adults were eaten for revenge | |
| Diet | Kangaroos, Wild Turkeys, Possums, Emus, Anteaters, Lizards, Snakes, Dingo, Stingrays, Maiden-rays, Fish, Whale, Seal, Seeds, Fruits, Insects, Honey, Nectar |
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What You'll Learn
- Cannibalism in Australian Aborigines was largely confined to a minority of Aboriginal groups
- Cannibalism was associated with mortuary rites or as a last resort to avoid starvation
- Infanticide was practised as a means of population control and to feed the community in times of drought
- Cannibalism of people outside the social group (exocannibalism) was recorded
- Cannibalism allegations were used to demonise Aboriginal people and justify the expropriation of their land
Cannibalism in Australian Aborigines was largely confined to a minority of Aboriginal groups
There are various accounts of cannibalism among Aboriginal Australians. One account from 1874 describes how two Europeans who were exploring in the neighbourhood of Tor Rock were killed, cooked, and eaten by the 'Tor Rock' tribe. Another account from 1929 by anthropologist Géza Róheim reports that some Aboriginal groups of central Australia killed every second infant younger than one as a means of population control. In times of drought and hunger, children might be killed and eaten by their mothers and fed to older siblings. Some of Róheim's female informants admitted to eating the flesh of their siblings when they were young. Men sometimes killed older children in times of famine but did not eat their flesh and sometimes punished women for doing so.
However, it is important to note that some scholars argue that allegations of cannibalism among Aboriginal Australians were exaggerated or misinterpreted. Language barriers and the belief of traditional Aboriginal groups in the reality of the Dreaming and of sorcerers and spirits who eat human flesh may have led European observers to misinterpret symbolic stories and metaphorical language as accounts of real acts of cannibalism. Mortuary rituals involving the cremation, smoking, and drying of bodies, as well as the stripping of flesh and bones, may have been assumed by some observers to be evidence of cannibalism. While some groups may have resorted to cannibalism in times of stress, there is no reliable evidence of institutionalized cannibalism in Aboriginal culture.
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Cannibalism was associated with mortuary rites or as a last resort to avoid starvation
Cannibalism among Australian Aborigines was a minority practice, mostly associated with mortuary rites or as a last resort during times of starvation. While some scholars argue that acts of cannibalism were largely limited to certain regions, others suggest that the prevalence of cannibalism may have been exaggerated or misinterpreted by European observers.
Mortuary cannibalism, or endocannibalism, was a funerary practice in some Aboriginal groups, where the body of a deceased member of the group was consumed. Anthropologists Ronald and Catherine Berndt noted that burial cannibalism appeared to be relatively widespread, although usually only parts of the body were eaten. This practice was often associated with the belief that the deceased person would be reborn, or that consuming their flesh would strengthen the surviving members of the group.
In times of drought and famine, some Aboriginal groups may have resorted to cannibalism as a means of survival. Anthropologist Géza Róheim reported that during periods of scarcity, some groups in central Australia practised infanticide as a form of population control, and the infants were sometimes eaten by their mothers or other group members. Men sometimes killed older children in times of famine but did not consume their flesh.
It is important to note that the interpretation of cannibalism among Australian Aborigines is complex and may be influenced by cultural biases. Some scholars argue that allegations of cannibalism were used as a tool to demonize Aboriginal people and justify the colonisation of their land. Anthropologist Michael Pickering, for example, found that 72% of the ethnographic accounts he surveyed were unsourced or second-hand, and he identified potential issues with language barriers and cultural misunderstandings that may have led to misinterpretations of Aboriginal rituals and stories.
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Infanticide was practised as a means of population control and to feed the community in times of drought
Infanticide was practised by some Aboriginal groups in Australia as a means of population control and to feed the community in times of drought. According to University of Michigan professor of anthropology Aram Yengoyan, infanticide was the primary means of population control among Australian Aborigines before the coming of Europeans. Yengoyan estimates that "infanticide rates were probably ranged from 15% to 30% of all births".
Nineteenth-century European observers of Aboriginal life in South Australia and Victoria reported similar rates, with estimates of around 30% of Aboriginal infants being killed at birth. In 1881, James Dawson wrote a passage about infanticide among Indigenous people in the western district of Victoria, stating that it was common to destroy the weakest twin child or those with deformities. He also noted that when a woman had children too rapidly, she would consult with her husband and decide which child to kill, usually sacrificing the female.
In times of drought and famine, infanticide and cannibalism were sometimes resorted to as a means of survival. Anthropologist Géza Róheim reported that in times of hunger, children might be killed and eaten by their mothers and fed to older siblings. Men also killed older children in times of famine, but did not eat their flesh.
While some scholars argue that infanticide was practised as a means of population control and survival during hardships, others suggest that the prevalence of cannibalism after infanticide was "grossly exaggerated" by early authors. Anthropologist Michael Pickering surveyed the ethnographic literature in 1985 and found that 72% of accounts were unsourced or second-hand, with no reliable eyewitness accounts of actual acts of cannibalism.
It is important to note that traditional Aboriginal groups had a variety of food sources available to them, including native fruits, seeds, honey, insects, and wildlife such as kangaroos, wild turkeys, and snakes. Infanticide and cannibalism were likely rare occurrences in response to extreme circumstances, rather than a common practice.
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Cannibalism of people outside the social group (exocannibalism) was recorded
Cannibalism in Oceania was historically associated with war, with the victors eating the defeated. In Australia, cannibalism was limited to a minority of Aboriginal groups and was linked to mortuary rites or as a last resort during periods of starvation. While there is some debate about the extent of cannibalism among Aboriginal Australians, scholars generally accept that certain groups practised it, particularly in the northeast of Queensland, the coast of Arnhem Land, and parts of Victoria.
Exocannibalism among Aboriginal Australians
Exocannibalism, or the practice of cannibalism directed at people outside the social group, was recorded among certain Aboriginal communities. In 1874, for instance, two European explorers were reportedly killed and eaten by the 'Tor Rock' tribe. Additionally, according to Gordon Sweeney, a Patrol Officer in the Native Affairs Branch, there was evidence of cannibalism practised by three groups between the Blyth and Liverpool Rivers. These groups were identified as the Manbuloi, the Gumauwurrk, and the Rauwarang.
Sweeney's account describes how the bodies of the deceased, excluding children, the elderly, and the infirm, were dismembered, cooked, and consumed. The Rauwarang group, however, did not permit children to partake in the cannibalism. The motivation behind this practice was the belief that consuming human flesh would enhance their abilities in various domains, such as hunting, spearing kangaroos, and finding wild honey.
Furthermore, in battle, they believed that eating the heart of a valiant opponent would bestow upon them the defeated warrior's courage and strength. This act of exocannibalism was seen as a means of revenge and degradation of the enemy. Similar practices were observed among the Māori people, where the consumption of a slain enemy was considered an act of vengeance.
It is important to note that some scholars argue that allegations of cannibalism were used to demonize Aboriginal people and justify the expropriation of their land and the denial of their rights. Additionally, language barriers and cultural misunderstandings may have led European observers to misinterpret symbolic stories and practices as evidence of cannibalism.
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Cannibalism allegations were used to demonise Aboriginal people and justify the expropriation of their land
Cannibalism allegations have been used throughout history to demonise various minority groups. In the case of Aboriginal Australians, accusations of cannibalism were indeed employed to justify the expropriation of their land and the denial of their legal rights. While some scholars argue that certain forms of cannibalism were practised by a minority of Aboriginal groups, these acts were largely confined to specific regions and were associated with mortuary rites or as a last resort to avoid starvation.
The notion that Aboriginal people were cannibals was often exaggerated and used to portray them as savage and less than human. This perception was further reinforced by written accounts and observations made by European colonists. For instance, Gordon Sweeney, a Patrol Officer in the Native Affairs Branch, wrote about the practice of cannibalism among certain Aboriginal groups between the Blyth and Liverpool Rivers. According to Sweeney, the bodies of adults, excluding the elderly and the sick, were cut up after death, cooked, and eaten, with the bones removed. However, he noted a lack of ceremonial significance attached to this practice.
The belief in the reality of the Dreaming and the existence of sorcerers and spirits who consume human flesh may have contributed to European observers' misinterpretations of symbolic stories as evidence of actual cannibalism. Some Aboriginal mortuary rituals involve the cremation, smoking, and drying of bodies, as well as the stripping of flesh and bones, which may have been misunderstood by onlookers. Additionally, language barriers could have played a role in these misinterpretations.
While there are some accounts of cannibalism among Aboriginal groups, it is important to recognise that these practices were often exaggerated and used to justify the colonisation and dispossession of Aboriginal lands. Scholars such as Behrendt argue that the most reliably documented cases of cannibalism in colonial Australia were perpetrated by European convicts, not Aboriginal people. Furthermore, allegations of cannibalism were employed as a tool to demonise Aboriginal people and justify the destruction of their culture.
In conclusion, the accusation of cannibalism against Aboriginal people served as a convenient justification for the expropriation of their land and the denial of their rights. While some instances of cannibalism may have occurred, they were not indicative of widespread or institutionalised practices among Aboriginal groups. The portrayal of Aboriginal people as cannibals was a tool used to dehumanise and 'other' them, facilitating the colonisation and dispossession of their ancestral lands.
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Frequently asked questions
Scholars generally accept that some forms of cannibalism were practised by a minority of Aboriginal groups in Australia. However, it was largely limited to certain regions such as the north-east of Queensland, the coast of Arnhem Land, and parts of Victoria. Cannibalism was mostly associated with mortuary rites or as a last resort to avoid starvation.
Aboriginal Australians have survived on "bush tucker" for thousands of years. They were hunters and gatherers, hunting wildlife to provide meat and gathering fruits, seeds, honey, nectar, and insects for their daily meals. Common animals that were hunted and eaten by Aboriginals included kangaroos, wild turkeys, possums, emus, anteaters, lizards, snakes, and crocodiles.
There are various reasons attributed to the practice of cannibalism by certain Aboriginal groups. One reason was the belief that eating human flesh would make them better hunters and give them qualities like valour and power. Cannibalism was also associated with mortuary rites, where the bodies of the dead were cooked and eaten, although there appeared to be no special ceremony attached to this practice.
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